Treatise 3: Deities of Heaven and Earth III

¶In the first year of Jōgan (859) under Emperor Seiwa, among the deities of the capital region and the seven circuits, those whose ranks were advanced and those newly granted rank together numbered 267 shrines (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku).

¶In this year, at the petition of the monk Gyōkyō, the Iwashimizu Shrine was founded by imperial order (Note: following the Chōya Gunsai and the Teiō Hennenki).

¶In the fourth year of Jōgan (862), the following was decreed: "By former custom, on the days when the Kanname-sai, Kinen-sai and Tsukinami-sai of the Grand Shrine (Daijingū), and the envoys bearing offerings (heihaku) on extraordinary occasions, departed from the palace precincts, officials of the Kyōshiki (Metropolitan Office) of the rank of Shusakan or above led the ward chiefs and soldiers to meet them at the outer gate and escorted them to the boundary of the capital. In the provinces of Ōmi, Iga, Ise and others as well, one official of the rank of Sakan or above led the district officials and kondei guards to clear the road and attend the procession. In recent years, however, some provincial governors have neglected this. From now on, serve in accordance with the old custom. Anyone found negligent shall be regarded as having omitted the rite and shall invariably be sentenced to the penalty of jōbatsu (a kind of purification imposed as punishment)" (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku and the Ruijū Sandaikyaku).

¶In the sixth year of Jōgan (864), an edict stated: "Strictly admonish the provincial governors of all provinces, so that they do not neglect the imperial will and allow shrines to fall into disrepair or rites to be treated lightly." A report from Suruga Province said: "The mountain of the Great Deity Asama (Mount Fuji) erupted in fire, which spread over an area of one or two ri on each side, with flames rising as high as some twenty jō. Rocks were scorched and the peak collapsed; sand and stones fell like rain and filled Lake Motosu, and the flames finally reached Kai Province." Divination was performed, and the result was: "This is a curse caused by the neglect of purification on the part of the negi and hafuri (shrine priests)." Soon a report of a similar disaster was also submitted from Kai Province. The governors of both provinces were therefore made to present offerings and apologize to the deity. In addition, a report from the Dazaifu said: "In Higo Province, the pond in which the spirit of Takeiwatatsu-no-Mikoto dwells trembled and resounded, and the water boiled up and spread over more than ten chō. The color of the water was like miso, and it clung to the grass and trees and did not disappear after ten days. Moreover, the stone deity on the peak of the Princess Deity (Himegami) collapsed." Divination yielded: "An epidemic caused by water will arise."

¶In the following year, Wake-no-Ason Korenori, Mokunogon-no-suke (Provisional Assistant Director of the Bureau of Carpentry), was dispatched to present offerings to the Great Deity Hachiman and pray on this matter. In this year, on the basis of a report from Kai Province, a shrine of the Asama deity was built in Yatsushiro District and was soon ranked among the official shrines (kansha) (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku). This matter will be described in detail later.

¶In the eighth year of Jōgan (866), the chief priest of the Kashima Shrine in Hitachi Province reported: "Shrines in Mutsu Province that enshrine divided spirits of the Great Deity (the Kashima deity) number as many as thirty-eight. There is one shrine each in the six districts of Kikuta, Namekata, Igu, Kurokawa, Shida and Oshika; eleven shrines in Iwaki District; two each in the two districts of Shineha and Watari; seven in Uda District; three each in the two districts of Miyagi and Shikama; and four in Oda District. According to the tradition of the elders: 'Before the Enryaku era, offerings were made to these shrines of divided spirits by allotting part of the goods obtained from the household allotments (fuko) of the Great Deity (the Kashima deity). From the Kōnin era onward, however, this ceased and no offerings were made. For that reason the various deities have become angry and strange occurrences have repeatedly arisen. At the beginning of the Kashō era, we obtained a transfer document (ichō) from the home province (Hitachi) and went to Mutsu Province to present offerings, but the Mutsu side said there was no old precedent and did not allow us to enter within the barrier. The negi and others had no choice but to leave the offerings by the riverside outside the barrier and return. Since then the deities' curses have not ceased, and drought and epidemics have continued in the province.'" It is requested that Mutsu Province be ordered to permit entry within the barrier and the presentation of offerings, so as to appease the deities' anger, and that the expense be met from the goods of the Great Deity's household allotments. The court granted this (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku and the Ruijū Sandaikyaku).

¶Soon after, an edict stated: "The regulation of the second year of Tenpyō-hōji says: 'Princes, nobles and all below them shall not drink wine, except at sacrifices and when treating illness.' In recent years, however, the ministers and the people invariably perform purification rites (harae) in the summer and winter, at the turn of the seasons, playing stringed instruments and singing, dancing in drunkenness, and seeking to please the divine spirits. Then the toneri (attendants) of the Guards offices burst in, gorging themselves on food and drink, or extorting goods, and the worst of them, pretending to speak the oracles of the gods, threaten the master of the house; their license is no different from that of bands of robbers. If this is not curbed, how can it be called the law of the state? If anyone commits such offenses, punish each accordingly."

¶In autumn, Isoe-ō, Ōtoneri-no-kami (Director of the Bureau of Imperial Attendants), Ōnakatomi-no-Ason Toyoo, Jingi-no-daibu (Senior Assistant Director of the Department of Deities), and Inbe-no-Sukune Takayoshi, Gon-no-daibu (Provisional Senior Assistant Director), were dispatched to present patterned silks and brocade damasks imported from Tang to the Grand Shrine (Daijingū, the Ise Shrine) and to report the fire at the Ōtenmon Gate. In addition, Inbe-no-Sukune Akio, Naiju (Inner Page), was dispatched to present white damask dyed in kōkechi (tie-dyeing) to the renowned deities (myōjin) of the Nankaidō and to pray for the removal of the calamities. As for the other deities of heaven and earth, the provincial governors were made to purify themselves personally and present offerings, with the cost met from the regular tax rice (shōzei).

¶In winter, an imperial edict made one woman of the Fujiwara clan the itsukime (consecrated maiden) of the Kasuga Shrine and the Ōharano Shrine (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku).

¶In the summer of the tenth year of Jōgan (868), the office compiling the kyaku and shiki (supplementary laws and procedures) submitted the following: "Concerning the hafuri of shrines that do not receive offerings at rites such as the Kinen-sai, Tsukinami-sai and Niiname-sai, the regulation of the Kōnin era provides that they be sent back to their home provinces and dismissed. But when we now consider the intent of this kyaku, permanent dismissal from office for a single act of negligence is too harsh and not reasonable. From now on, when the hafuri of shrines in the Kinai, Ōmi and elsewhere are negligent, they should first be given the penalty of jōbatsu as a warning for the future, and only if some still do not reform should they be dismissed." The court granted this (Note: following the Ruijū Sandaikyaku).

¶In winter, an edict ordered Yamato Province to supply forty cavalrymen and twenty men bearing staves, to provide the dignity of the escort when the Kasuga itsukime visited the shrine. At each spring festival, two provincial officials and two district officials were to be supplied as a levy to attend together, and this was made a regular practice. Emperor Seiwa had acceded as a child and therefore seldom attended the seasonal rites in person. His maternal grandfather, the Chancellor (Daijō-daijin) Fujiwara-no-Yoshifusa, monopolized government, set up an itsukime for his own clan deity so that she would be treated on a par with the Saiō (High Priestess of Ise), and also had provincial and district officials attend the rites. The Kasuga Festival grew prosperous from this time.

¶In the eleventh year of Jōgan (869), pirates from Silla plundered the tribute goods of Chikuzen Province, and in addition a prodigy of a great bird occurred at the Dazaifu, and divination announced signs of military disorder. Offerings were therefore presented at the Grand Shrine, and prayers were offered for the prevention of foreign invasion. Its announcement (kōbun) read as follows: "Silla is violent and has repeatedly attacked and plundered. The signs of military disorder may perhaps arise from this quarter. Our country, accustomed to peace, has long forgotten guard duty. Once military disorder arises, it cannot be undone, and we must not fail to take warning. Yet our country is a land of divine beings (shinmei), and since we have the protection of the divine, why should we fear bandits and invaders? Moreover, the Sovereign Great Deity (Sumeōkami, Amaterasu-Ōmikami), as the supreme ancestor of our realm, illuminates heaven and earth and nurtures the myriad people. How could she fail to repel the contempt of foreign peoples? Therefore Hiromichi-ō, Ōnakatomi-no-Ason Fuyuna and Inbe-no-Sukune Hakue are dispatched to present offerings and offer prayers. Should there be any threat of bandit invasion, the Sovereign Great Deity will lead and guide the deities of the land and crush the bandits before they act. If enemy warships enter our waters, let them be set adrift and swept away and driven off, and let them be awed by the might of the divine land. Grant that our imperial descendants may, together with heaven, earth, sun and moon, be unshaken like the mountains, peaceful and secure" (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku). At that time the discipline of the state was gradually slackening and military preparations had fallen into disuse; the country feared even insignificant pirates and relied solely on prayer, and such was the feebleness of the nation.

¶In the thirteenth year of Jōgan (871), an edict established the various ritual regulations (Note: following the preface of the Jōgan Shiki and the Jōgan Gishiki). "During the periods of sansai (loose abstinence) before and after the Tsukinami-sai and Niiname-sai, monks and nuns, and those in heavy mourning who have been specially released from mourning to serve, must not enter the Inner Palace. Even those in light mourning must likewise not enter during the sansai period before the chisai (strict abstinence just before the rite). The same applies to the other rites. Pregnant palace women shall withdraw before the sansai. Those in their monthly impurity shall withdraw to their own rooms before the day of the rite and shall not ascend to the halls" (Note: following the Jōgan Shiki as cited in the Nenjū Gyōji Hishō). From this time the rules for avoiding the contagion of defilement (shokue) grew ever more detailed. In general, the defilements to be avoided on contact included the death of persons or animals, childbirth, the eating of meat, and also reburial, miscarriage, and entering a place where a fire had broken out, with the number of days of avoidance fixed for each. Condolence visits, sickbed visits, attendance at funerals, and falling on a day of avoidance were not permitted entry to the palace even if one was not oneself defiled (Note: following the Engi Shiki).

¶In the fifteenth year of Jōgan (873), the Emperor appeared at the Shinkaden hall and personally conducted the Niiname-sai.

¶In the following year he also conducted the Jinkonjiki-sai. In this year, the Dazaifu reported: "Mount Kaimon in Satsuma Province erupted in fire of its own accord, shaking and raining down sand." Divination showed that it was the curse of a deity, so an edict had household allotments (fuko) presented to it (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku).

¶In the seventeenth year of Jōgan (875), the following was decreed: "According to the kyaku-shiki of the Saikō era, 'Shrines outside the Kinai that do not receive offerings at the Kinen-sai, Tsukinami-sai, Niiname-sai and the like are to be reported by entrusting the matter to the Daichō envoy.' But this disposition has not yet been applied to the hafuri of the Kinai. From now on, whether in or outside the Kinai, have them reported in turn by entrusting the matter to the Zeichō envoys, Daichō envoys, Chōshū envoys and the like. However, if a hafuri does not appear on the day when offerings are distributed, impose the penalty of purification according to the kyaku, and have him take care in future" (Note: following the Ruijū Sandaikyaku).

¶In the first year of Gangyō (877) under Emperor Yōzei, the clansmen of the Nakatomi and Inbe clans were divided and sent to the Five Kinai provinces and the seven circuits to distribute offerings to 3,132 deities of heaven and earth. This was for service at the Daijōe (Great Thanksgiving Festival) (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku).

¶In the third year of Gangyō (879), the following was decreed: "Many divine treasures are stored at the Sumiyoshi Shrine. Yet the shrine masters up to now have been negligent in managing them, and they have at times been lost. The provincial governor and the shrine master should jointly inspect and record them. Whenever the shrine master is replaced, three copies of the inventory of divine treasures shall be made, one to be submitted to the court, one to be kept at the provincial office, and one to be kept at the shrine, as a regular practice, and there must be no omissions" (Note: following the Ruijū Sandaikyaku).

¶In the fifth year of Gangyō (881), an edict stated: "The honkei-chō (records of lineage) of the clansmen who are hafuri of the shrines of the provinces shall be submitted once every three years."

¶In the sixth month of the sixth year of Gangyō (882), the Tsukinami-sai and the Jinkonjiki-sai were held at the Department of Deities. The Emperor did not appear at the Shinkaden because a dog had died in the Inner Palace.

¶On the eleventh day of the ninth month, the envoy bearing offerings to the Grand Shrine was due to depart, but this time it was suspended because a dog gave birth. Ōnakatomi-no-Ason Arimoto, Jingi-no-daibu, said: "In the first year of Gangyō, when this defilement occurred, the departure of the envoy was stopped on the eleventh and he was dispatched on the thirteenth. This time too we should follow this precedent." On the other hand, Kose-no-Ason Fumimune, Daigeki (Senior Secretary), said: "The birth of a dog is to be avoided for three days. In the case of the first year, the defilement occurred on the ninth day of the ninth month, and on the eleventh the period of avoidance had just been completed. This time the twelfth falls on the sansai and the thirteenth on the chisai. Dispatching the envoy on this day is the correct application of that precedent." In the court deliberation it was said that "Fumimune's words are reasonable," but since "the responsible office has already completed the preparation of the offerings," they finally followed Arimoto's opinion (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku). Soon it was decreed that, "for all the envoys bearing offerings to the Grand Shrine, the governor of Yamashiro Province shall attend them from the boundary of the capital to the border of Ōmi Province. If there is any negligence, deal with it in accordance with the Jōgan kyaku" (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku and the Ruijū Sandaikyaku).

¶In the second year of Ninna (886) under Emperor Kōkō, on the fifth day of the ninth month, the Saiō was to perform the misogi (ablution), but it was cancelled because a dog died in the Nakatsukasa-shō (Ministry of Central Affairs). The misogi was performed anew on the seventh, and she was to enter the Shrine on the ninth, but this too was cancelled, because a dog died in the residence of the Chancellor Fujiwara-no-Mototsune (in the original text, "Tsunemoto," written with a different order of characters) and the defilement was transmitted through persons into the palace. On the twelfth, the envoy bearing offerings to the Grand Shrine was dispatched. The Emperor was to appear at the Daigokuden, but did not attend because a dog died in the Edokoro (Painting Office). The Naiki (Inner Secretary), who was outside the palace, was made to write the announcement, and Chūnagon (Middle Counsellor) Fujiwara-no-Ason Yamakage was sent before the Kenshunmon Gate to summon Sachiyo-ō, who was given the announcement and sent off as envoy. On the nineteenth, the Saiō was to perform purification (gejo), but it was cancelled because another dog died. The Department of Deities and the Onmyōryō (Bureau of Yin-Yang) were summoned to divine an auspicious day; it was fixed for the twenty-fourth, then changed to the following day, and she finally set out. On the thirtieth, the Saiō's palanquin arrived at the Suzuka Temporary Palace in Ise. A fire broke out in one building outside the west fence, and the Imperial Princess escaped from the temporary palace in the carriage of her attendant. Fujiwara-no-Ason Tsugukage, the governor (kami), together with Kadonoosa (police officials) and Konoe guards, was at once dispatched to put out the fire, but they were too late, and the fire spread to the sleeping hall and the Hakodono. The Emperor personally handed down a written edict to Fujiwara-no-Yamakage, the escort envoy (hōsōshi), saying, "Enter the Saigū after the seventh day has passed. If there is any obstacle, perform a gesha (purification and report of the circumstances) and cease the escort, and do not let it go past the seventh day" (Note: following the Sandai Jitsuroku). From the Jōgan period onward, the Kugyō (high court nobles) all clung to trifles and feared and avoided taboos, and with every dog's death or birth they were slow in deliberation and often omitted the ceremonies; such were roughly the examples (Note: weighed against the Sandai Jitsuroku, the Seikyūki and the Hokuzanshō).

¶In the first year of Kanpyō (889) under Emperor Uda, an edict stated: "The rites of the Masamune Shrine and the Morimoto Shrine are established as two fixed observances, to be a permanent regulation. Both are the clan deities of the maternal line" (Note: following the Kanpyō Gyoki as cited in the Nenjū Gyōji Hishō, the Kuji Kongen and the Shosha Kongen-ki).

¶In the spring of the fifth year of Kanpyō (893), an edict stated as follows: "The four rites, the Kinen-sai, Tsukinami-sai and Niiname-sai, are great matters of state. Out of the wish that calamities may not arise year by year and that the seasons may be in good order, the shrines of the deities of the realm that participate in these rites number 558, large and small. The negi and hafuri should come to the Department of Deities, respectfully receive the offerings, and conduct the rites in purity and reverence. In recent years, however, the negi and others have lacked true reverence for the gods and have had messengers receive the offerings. On the day of the rite, unscrupulous persons snatch the offerings from one another and show contempt for divine majesty. It is for this reason that ill omens appear. In the worship of the gods, the shrine master, negi and hafuri should be the officiants (itsukinushi), and such negligence is due not only to the fault of the shrine masters but also to the failure of the itsuki-no-tsukasa (officials overseeing the rites) to supervise. From now on, the officials in charge of the shrines within the capital shall be especially strict in inspection. In the Kinai and the seven circuits, the chief official of the province shall oversee them. On the days of the rites they must without fail observe full abstinence. If anyone neglects the rites and supervision is also negligent, the responsible officials will be heavily punished. As for the shrine masters and those below them, they shall be dismissed after being given the penalty of purification, all in accordance with the Jōgan regulations" (Note: following the Ruijū Sandaikyaku).

¶Now, from about the Tenpyō-shōhō era, shrine-temples (jingūji) came to be established at the major shrines of the provinces. By the Tenchō and Jōwa eras, shrine households (kanbe, people attached to shrines) were being set aside and assigned to the shrine-temples, and shrine officials and clansmen were made to repair the temple buildings; some even seized shrine land and made it temple domain. Furthermore, men such as the monk Enchin, appealing to divine majesty, demanded allotments of ordained monks (tokudosō) on behalf of famed deities such as the Great Hiei and the Lesser Hiei, and the court granted all their requests. Thus the Buddhist Law flourished ever more, while the affairs of the gods all declined (Note: weighed against the Shoku Nihongi, the Montoku Jitsuroku, the Sandai Jitsuroku and the Ruijū Sandaikyaku).

¶In the sixth year of Kanpyō (894), because negligence was still seen among the shrines in receiving the four annual official offerings (kanpei), an edict directed that in the Kinai and in the provinces of Ōmi, Kii and others, one honest shishō (clerk) of the rank of Jō or Sakan be chosen as envoy and lead the negi and hafuri to the Department to receive the offerings. On the day of the rite, the envoy was made to make an announcement, and the names of the hafuri who appeared were recorded. It was made a regular practice for the envoys and others to appear at the Department on the day before the rite.

¶In the seventh year of Kanpyō (895), the following was decreed: "Officials of the capital of the Fifth Rank or above shall not leave the capital without cause. However, their clan deities are often in the Kinai, and by custom rites are held in the second, fourth and eleventh months. Since the regular ancestral rites must not be abolished, if anyone applies to make a pilgrimage on the day of the rite, the Department's permission shall at once be granted. But they must keep to the days required for the journey there and back, and must not extend their stay on their own to take their pleasure." At that time the clans each worshipped their clan deities three times a year, and among them the rites of the Kasuga Shrine, the Hirano Shrine and the Umenomiya Shrine, the clan deities of the maternal relatives, and those of the Masamune Shrine and the Yamashina Shrine were especially flourishing (Note: the part from "maternal relatives" onward follows the Nenjū Gyōji Hishō and the Kuji Kongen).

¶In the ninth year of Kanpyō (897), a report came from Yamashiro Province: "According to declarations from the district officials within the province, 'For the mounted escort at the Kamo Festival, the practice is to select and send local vagrants (rōnin) able to bear the duties of the rite, but those in the service of powerful families do not obey the orders of the province. If we do not report this, we fear being blamed later.' We therefore drew up a register and the provincial governor investigated, and fewer than twenty responded. It has become difficult even to put the festival procession in order. Whether local residents or vagrants, we ask that those who neglect to take part in the procession be punished with fifty strokes of the whip, as a warning for the future." An edict stated: "Those whose status allows them to settle matters by redemption (shokuzai) shall redeem themselves according to the law; for the rest, do as requested." The Emperor deeply revered the deities and, grieved that the rites were falling into decline, repeatedly issued edicts of admonition (Note: following the Ruijū Sandaikyaku). He also set down in his testamentary admonition (yuikai) that "on the occasions of the Niiname-sai, the Jinkonjiki-sai and other rites, and the dispatch of envoys bearing offerings to the Grand Shrine, he should personally appear at the Hasshōin to perform the ceremonies, and the expenses of the Saigū and the Saiin should be supplemented as needed" (Note: following the Kanpyō Yuikai). He always said, "Our country is a land of the gods. Each morning one should sit with composed bearing and worship from afar the great and small deities of the four directions" (Note: following the Ninna Gyoki as cited in the Nenjū Gyōji Hishō). Yet his faith in Buddhism was also very deep, and before he was even forty he took the tonsure and renounced the world. He had an eye for discerning excellent men, but could not make full use of them (Note: weighed against the Nihon Kiryaku, the Fusō Ryakki, the Ōkagami and the Egara Tenjin Engi). Men of discernment regretted this.

¶Emperor Daigo acceded to the throne. Earlier, Emperor Uda had presented Iino District in Ise to the Grand Shrine, but on the condition that it be for his own reign only. In Emperor Daigo's reign this was fixed as a permanent shrine district (shingun), and together with Take District and Watarai District it was called the Three Shrine Districts (Note: following the Ruijū Sandaikyaku). Soon after, an edict granted one rank to the deities of 340 shrines in the Five Kinai provinces and the seven circuits (Note: following the Nihon Kiryaku and the Shin Kokushi as cited in the Yamato Jinja Chūshinjō).

¶In the fourteenth year of Engi (914), Miyoshi-no-Ason Kiyoyuki, Shikibu-no-taifu (Senior Assistant Minister of Ceremonial), submitted the following memorial: "The Kinen-sai and the Tsukinami-sai pray for abundant harvest of the five grains for the people of the realm, and also offer thanks for its fulfillment. In the ceremony, the kugyō and the hundred officials assemble at the Department of Deities, and for each shrine offerings, clear sake and iron halberds (kanahoko) are prepared and set out on shelves. Some shrines also present horses, which the Left and Right Bureaus of Horses lead out. When the Department has finished reading the ritual prayer, the sacrificial goods are distributed to the hafuri of the shrines, who dedicate them at their own shrines. The hafuri ought, in purity and reverence, to carry them and deposit them at their respective shrines. In recent years, however, they all stuff the silk of the offerings into their bosoms in front of the Jōkei (presiding noble), throw away the shafts of the halberds and carry off only the blades, and gulp down the sake from the jars, and not a single one leaves the Department's gate carrying the offerings in purity. As for the sacred horses, merchants of the city buy them up outside the Ikuhōmon Gate. Will the deities being worshipped really accept such offerings? If they do not accept them, how can a good harvest be sought? We ask that, by imperial command, the provinces be made to select and send one man of the rank of shishō or above, who will lead the hafuri and have them properly receive the sacrificial goods, so that the ritual of reverence, as if the deity were truly present, may be maintained" (Note: following the Honchō Monzui).

¶In the fourth year of Enchō (926), an edict decreed as follows: "For the affairs of the state, nothing surpasses the rites. For this reason the regulations provide that for the various offices serving the rites, one Hangan (third-rank official) is to be placed as a dedicated supervisor. Yet offerings to the gods ought above all to be prepared with care, and in recent years the conduct of the various offices has involved many violations. Some, on the verge of the appointed date, make do with substitute goods; others prepare only the required portion on the very day. Though there is the pretext of having allotted the goods, there is hardly any real substance offered to the gods. Such violations and deceptions have accumulated and become customary. From now on, for the materials of all the rites, total the quantities needed during the year and, on the day when miscellaneous goods such as chō and yō (tribute) are delivered, divide them and store them in a separate storehouse. From the responsible office and from the offices handling receipts and disbursements, one official each shall be selected as the person in charge, to apply himself diligently to his duties, and the dedicated officials of the offices serving the rites shall conduct matters in accordance with this regulation. Taking into account the distance to each shrine, the goods shall be allotted by item before the day of the rite, and if even one item is lacking, responsibility shall be pursued according to law" (Note: following the Shinshō Kyaku-chokufu).

¶In the fifth year of Enchō (927), the Engi Shiki was compiled (Note: following the Engi Shiki and the Nihon Kiryaku). In total, the shrines of the realm entered in the official registers numbered 3,132 deities (Note: since the total number of shrines coincides exactly with the record of the first year of Gangyō, this number seems already to have been fixed by the Gangyō period. However, the entry for the fourth year of Gangyō in the Sandai Jitsuroku says that three Munakata deities in Yamato Province were added to the official shrines, and the Honchō Gatsuryō says that in the eleventh year of Engi two Yamashina deities were added to the official register, so it is clear that the number rose and fell. This is added for reference). There were distinctions between great shrines and small shrines, and the amounts of offerings differed accordingly (Note: following the Engi Shiki). The shrines entered in the official registers came later to be called "shikinaisha" (shrines within the Shiki) (Note: weighed against the Engi Shiki and the Nijūnisha Honen). Other shrines were treated as "shikigesha" (shrines outside the Shiki) (Note: following the Chōya Gunsai, the Nijūnisha Honen and the Shoshin-ki). Now this system of shrine registers began in the Tenpyō era (Note: following the Izumo no Kuni Fudoki and the Kogo Shūi).

¶In the Keiun era there was the "Jingikan-ki" (Note: following the Shoku Nihongi), in the Jōwa era the "Jingikan-chō" (Note: following the Shoku Nihon Kōki), and in the Engi era the "Jinmyō-chō" (Register of Deities' Names); in substance they were all the same thing. Among the seasonal rites, besides those prescribed in the ordinary statutes, in the second month there were the Naruikazuchi-no-kami Festival, the Kasuga Festival, the Ōharano Festival, the Sono-Karakami Festival, the Ōmiyame-no-kami Festival and the Hiraoka Festival; in the fourth and eleventh months the Matsuo Festival, the Hirano Festival, the Hatatagami Shimen-no-Mikado Festival and the Mikawa-mizu Festival; in the sixth and twelfth months the festivals of the Miagamono, the Uraniwa-no-kami, the Imibi and the Niwabi; in the ninth month the festivals of the Mikannagi, the Mikado-no-Mikannagi, the Ikasuri-no-Mikannagi and the Ikushima-no-Mikannagi; and in the twelfth month the Mitama-shizume Festival and the Iwaibe Festival. On the first day of each month there were the Imibi and Niwabi festivals, and on the last day the Minusa and Miagamono festivals. In general the regular rites were divided into great, middle and small rites. Besides the regular rites, there were more than twenty rites performed as circumstances required, which were collectively called "extraordinary rites" (rinjisai). Unless by the disposition of the Benkan (Council Controllers), they could not be added at will to the regular rites. Yet on the whole the system had become too complicated and fell short of the simplicity of the Taihō Code. The envoys sent four times a year to the Grand Shrine were attended by the Saishu (Chief Priest of Rites). If he was prevented, officials of the Department of Deities or other offices, or Nakatomi clansmen of the Fifth Rank or above without office, were assigned in his place. When the envoys of the Kinen-sai and Tsukinami-sai reached the Shrine, the Urabe of the Grand Shrine's Chief Priest performed purification (harae) at the bank of the Take River. The Two Grand Shrines (the Inner and Outer Shrines) and their auxiliary shrines have two sites fixed in advance and are rebuilt every twenty years. For the main hall, the treasure hall and the Outer Treasure Hall only new timber is used, while for the other buildings both new and old timber are used together. The Palace Construction Envoy begins work in early winter, building seven structures of the Shrine and twelve subordinate shrines. In felling timber for the palace and taking the sacred central pillar (shinbashira), the Palace Construction Envoy leads the Inbe, and together with the labourers performs the Yamaguchi Festival and the Konomoto Festival. Festivals are also held when leveling the palace site and when making the funashiro. As for the divine treasures, the sacrificial items, and even the ritual robes (akashi-no-koromo) of the negi and uchindo, they have for the most part simply carried on the system of the Enryaku era without change (Note: from "gai nichi" onward, following the Daijingū Gishikichō and the Toyukegū Gishikichō).

¶In general, the sacred fields (shinden) of the Grand Shrine total more than thirty-six chō in the three provinces of Yamato, Iga and Ise. Of these, more than five chō are assigned for the sacred food offerings (shinsen), and all the rest is assigned to the expenses of the rites. The shrine households (shinpu) in provinces other than the Three Shrine Districts number more than 350 households, and their chō, yō and miscellaneous goods are inspected by the Chief Priest and used according to custom. In general, for the deities designated as renowned deities (myōjin) and official shrines, one waits until an official order (kanpu) is issued, and then a provincial order is newly drawn up and the inner seal (naiin, the Emperor's seal) is requested. The chō and yō of the shrine households are assigned to the expenses of rites, the construction of shrine buildings and the costs of offerings to the deities. The field tax is stored as divine tax (shinzei). In general, items such as shields, boards and okikura-no-ki needed for the Kinen-sai, Tsukinami-sai, Jinkonjiki-sai, Niiname-sai and the like are taken and delivered by the commoners of the shrine households of the provinces of the Kinai. As supplies for the annual rites, Yamato Province delivers arrow bamboo; Izu and Kii deliver bear and deer hides; Kai and Shinano deliver zelkova bows and catalpa bows (azusa-yumi); Sanuki delivers hokogi; Inaba and Hōki deliver arake (rough boxes); Izumo delivers the mihogi-no-tama; and Settsu delivers coarse mats (komo). Bows, arrows and swords needed for extraordinary rites and purifications are delivered by Tajima, Inaba and Mimasaka. The tortoise shells (for divination) needed during the year are delivered by Kii, Awa and Tosa. In general, the goods bartered from the divine tax delivered by the provinces, and the chō and yō paid by the vagrants of the Three Shrine Districts of Ise, are audited by the Department of Deities and received and disbursed by the various offices. The ledgers of divine tax and chō and yō of the provinces, the household registers (keichō) of the shrine households, and the rosters of the hafuri and others are prepared every year and sent to the Department of Deities. If the accounts agree, a receipt (henshō) is issued. In general, commoners of the shrine households are not permitted to take Buddhist orders at will. The other legal provisions were in general as detailed as this (Note: following the Engi Shiki).

¶Yet the Way of the Gods had already declined, people had lost their spiritual anchor, the Buddhist clergy preached ever more arbitrary nonsense, and the onmyōji also preached of taboos and ill omens. The whole world was misled by such doctrines, fixated solely on good and bad fortune and calamity and blessing, valuing dubious rites while making light of the proper ceremonies; and as for the regular rites of the court, the kugyō often avoided taking part under the pretext of having come into contact with defilement. Even for the extraordinary rites, when some disaster occurred such as flood, drought, epidemic, earthquake or military disorder, offerings were presented and prayers made while sutras were read and Buddhist ritual (shuhō) performed in parallel, and the manner of the rites became ever more disordered (Note: weighed against the general sense of the Nihon Kiryaku, the Fusō Ryakki, the Saikyūki and the Geki Nikki).

¶In the third year of Jōhei (933) under Emperor Suzaku, bandits arose in the southern seas. In the second year of Tengyō (939), bandits in both east and west rose in revolt together. At that time the realm had long been unacquainted with war, and high and low alike were startled and shaken. The court too had no long-term plan and merely prayed for the protection of the gods, presenting offerings to the shrines on the Sanyōdō, Nankaidō, Tōkaidō and Tōsandō alike. It also added one rank to all the deities of the realm and added household allotments to those who had reached the highest rank. Envoys bearing offerings were sent to the Grand Shrine and the other shrines, and prayers were conducted on a grand scale. Fortunately the generals and soldiers answered the call and exerted themselves, and the bandits of the east were put down first. The shrine households of Inabe District in Ise and of Owari, Mikawa and Tōtōmi were therefore presented to the Grand Shrine, and household allotments were also added to the Iwashimizu Shrine as thanksgiving (hōsai). In the fifth year of Tengyō (942) the remaining bandits were also pacified, and the Iwashimizu Extraordinary Festival was held for the first time. The Emperor made a visit to the Kamo Shrine and presented divine treasures and racing horses (hashiri-uma), and presented racing horses of the Azuma-asobi to the Gion Shrine. Many offerings were also made to the other shrines. Ranks were added for the negi of the Inner and Outer Shrines and of the Kamo Shrines, and the rites of thanksgiving were performed in each case (Note: weighed against the Nihon Kiryaku, the Fusō Ryakki and its appended notes, the Geki Nikki and the Hokuzanshō).

¶In this year, at the Yamashina festival, the officials of the Left Bureau of Horses all declined to serve, citing defilement or illness. An edict therefore had the Right Bureau of Horses take their place. Again, at the misogi of the Kamo Saiō, Fujiwara-no-Narikuni, head of the Saiin, did not attend, claiming illness, so Fujiwara-no-Toshio, Ōkura-no-shō (Junior Assistant Minister of the Treasury), was ordered, but he too claimed illness. Taira-no-Nariaki, Hyōgo-no-kami (Director of the Arsenal), was then to take his place, but he declined on account of defilement. In the end Tachibana-no-Kinhiko was ordered, and only then could it be carried out (Note: following the Geki Nikki).

¶In the seventh year of Tengyō (944), earlier the shrine registers (jinmyōchō) of the provinces and islands under the Dazaifu had decayed and become unreliable, so an order was issued to the Dazaifu to have each province and island submit a report, but this had been delayed for several years. In this year Kishi-no-Sukune Kimitada, Chikugo-no-kami (Governor of Chikugo), submitted the shrine register of the area under his administration, and stated: "On examining the records, the rank certificates (iki) of the two deities Kōra-Tamataremi-no-Mikoto and Toyohime-no-Mikoto are preserved at the bottom of the provincial office and are sufficient to serve as a standard. For the other deities, the provincial governors have conferred ranks arbitrarily or lost the rank certificates, so that the date of conferral is unknown for some. We therefore record and submit only their present ranks" (Note: following the Chikugo-no-kuni-nai Jinmyōchō).

¶Now in the Enryaku era the Grand Shrine had a record of the shrines under its jurisdiction, listing the official shrines and the denja (field shrines), recording the names of deities and the system of the shrines (Note: following the Daijingū Gishikichō and the Toyukegū Gishikichō). Afterwards similar shrine registers came to be made in the provinces as well (Note: the name varies from province to province: "Jinmyōchō," "Jinmyōki," "Jinjaki" and so on). Each recorded the names of deities and their ranks, and drew a distinction between "kanchi" and "mikanchi." Those already entered in the official register were called kanchi, and those not so entered were called mikanchi (Note: weighed against the general content of the provincial shrine registers of Izumi, Owari, Mikawa, Suruga, Izu, Mino, Kōzuke, Wakasa, Echizen, Oki, Harima, Mimasaka, Bizen, Aki, Kii, Chikugo, Ōsumi and other provinces). These are the so-called denja.

¶By the Tengyō era, there were very many errors in the names and ranks of the shrines of the realm. When Sugawara-no-Fumitoki, as Naiki (Inner Secretary), examined and corrected the rank certificates of the deities, the total came to more than 6,000 shrines. It is said that those he wrote out by his own hand alone reached more than 3,600 shrines (Note: following the Honchō Monzui).

¶When a provincial governor arrived at his post, making the rounds of worship at the shrines entered in the provincial register was called "kokushi jinpai" (the governor's worship of the deities) (Note: weighed against the Konjaku Monogatari, the Fukuro Zōshi, the Jikkinshō, the Chōya Gunsai, the Eizanji documents, the Sarashina Nikki, the Chūyūki, the Kanemori Shū and Kamo-no-Chōmei's Mumyōshō). Distributing offerings and performing the rite on the first day of each month was called "sakuhei" (Note: following the "Awaji no Kuni Reishiki" as cited in the Shaku Nihongi, the Konjaku Monogatari, the Kashima Shrine documents, the Yoshida Shrine documents and the Tango Denzūchō). The provincial governor also designated shrines within his jurisdiction that were especially revered, had prayers offered at the four seasons for the people, and called these "chinju-gami" (tutelary deities). They were not necessarily limited to the great renowned shrines, nor to a single shrine (Note: following the Geki Nikki, the Asama Shrine Shinkyō Sata-bun and the Tōji documents). In Kōzuke Province all shrines within the Shiki were called tutelary deities (Note: following the Kōzuke-no-kuni-nai Jinmyōchō). In Bizen Province all shrines entered in the provincial register, whether within or outside the Shiki, were called tutelary shrines (Note: following the Bizen-no-kuni-nai Jinmyōchō). Thus there was no fixed rule. Later, the provinces each came to honor the foremost of the shrines within the Shiki and call it the "Ichinomiya" (First Shrine), and eventually names such as Ninomiya, Sannomiya, Shinomiya and Gonomiya also arose (Note: weighed against the Konjaku Monogatari, the Kin'yōshū, the Kokon Chomonjū, the Chūyūki, the Azuma Kagami, the Genpei Seisuiki, the Tajima Ōtabumi, the Hōsōki and the Jinmyōchō Tōchū). Later still, a single shrine was built at the provincial capital in which the deities of the province were enshrined together, and this was called "Sōja" (General Shrine). This was to spare the labor of the governor's worship round. Thus the manner of the rites declined all the more (Note: following the Azuma Kagami, the Hakusan-ki and the Asaba-bon Suzuki Keizu).

¶In the second year of Tenryaku (948) under Emperor Murakami, the frequent negligence at the Kinen-sai became an issue in the court deliberations, and an edict of warning for the future was issued. At that year's Niiname-sai, the Emperor appeared at the Chūin, but the officials other than the omi (those serving the rite) all claimed to have circumstances and did not assemble, and were severely rebuked by edict (Note: following the Nihon Kiryaku).

¶In the fourth year of Tentoku (960), the Naishidokoro suffered a fire. The sacred mirror (shinkyō, the Yata-no-Kagami) was affected by the fire, but its form and substance were not damaged. It was enshrined in the Takadono of the Nuidono-ryō (Note: following the Nihon Kiryaku and the Fusō Ryakki). Since Emperor Sujin had made a copy of the sacred mirror, it had served as a protective imperial seal for more than nine hundred years, and only at this time did it first meet with such a disaster (Note: weighed against the Kogo Shūi, the Fusō Ryakki and the Jinnō Shōtōki).

¶In the second year of Kōhō (965), because the courtiers on every occasion used circumstances as a pretext to neglect service at the rites, an edict decreed as follows: "For those who neglect the rites, the kugyō shall have the payment of their nenkan (rights of appointment by recommendation) suspended. Shōnagon (Junior Counsellors), Benkan (Council Controllers) and Jijū (Chamberlains) shall not be paid their iroku (rank stipends)."

¶In the first year of Ten'en (973) under Emperor En'yū, Ano District in Ise was presented to the Grand Shrine (Note: following the Ruijū Fusenshō).

¶In the fifth year of Tengen (982), an edict stated: "In the processions preceding the misogi of the Kamo Saiin and in attending the envoys of the festival, excessively showy dress is prohibited. Have the Kebiishi (Police Commissioners) enforce this strictly. Anyone wearing forbidden colors (kinjiki) is to be detained; if he is one permitted to enter the imperial palace hall (shōden), that qualification is to be suspended, and the rest are to be removed from their duties. If the enforcers show leniency, they too are to be heavily punished." Among the rites of the capital region, the Kamo Festival and the Iwashimizu Festival were the most flourishing, and their showiness was also the most extreme. The court repeatedly issued edicts forbidding it, but could not suppress it (Note: following the Meigetsuki and the Narisuke-ō-ki).

¶In the second year of Kanna (986) under Emperor Kazan, the following was decreed: "At the rites of the four seasons and the Great Purifications (Ōharae) of the two seasons, the kugyō shall take turns and must without fail serve. If anyone neglects it without reason, half of that season's household allotments shall be suspended. However, as the role of omi at the Jinkonjiki is decided by divination at the time, it cannot be fixed in advance. They should appear early when the day arrives, and if there is any negligence, the allotment shall be cut and suspended in accordance with the precedent for the other rites" (Note: following the Ruijū Fusenshō).

¶In the time of Emperor Ichijō, the Yoshida Festival was first held (Note: following the Nenjū Gyōji). In the first year of Eiso (989) he made a visit to the Kasuga Shrine, and in the fourth year of Shōryaku (993) a visit to the Ōharano Shrine. All these shrines are revered by the Fujiwara clan (Note: following the Nihon Kiryaku, the Teiō Hennenki and the Ichidai Yōki).

¶In the second year of Chōhō (1000), the Empress of Emperor En'yū was honored as Grand Empress Dowager (Kōtaigō) (Note: following the Ōkagami Uragaki). The Chūgū (Consort Empress) was made Empress, and a Nyōgo (consort) was installed as Chūgū (Note: following the Nihon Kiryaku, the Gonki and the Ōkagami Uragaki). Earlier, Fujiwara-no-Yukinari had submitted the following memorial: "The Grand Empress Dowager's palace of the Higashi-Sanjō-in and the Chūgū, though both are of the Fujiwara clan, have all turned to the Buddhist path and do not perform the rites of the clan deity. Tortoise-shell divination (kiboku) has also often announced ill omens, and this may be the reason. Now, in addition to the two empresses, another should be installed to serve at the rites. Our realm is a land of the gods, and reverence for the gods ought to come first. All the more so since the Chūgū has already turned to the Buddhist path, a consort should be installed as empress and charged with the rites of the clan deity. Indeed the Ōharano festival was established solely to pray for the peace of the empress's palace. Yet if neither empress performs the rites, would that not fail to accord with the will of the divine? As to whether this is permissible, I leave it entirely to the Emperor's judgment" (Note: following the Gonki). Probably this opinion was adopted, and the present measure resulted.

¶In the third year of Chōhō (1001), because the negligence of the various offices had caused the rites to depart from custom in many respects, an edict stated: "Restate and make clear the kyaku of the fourth year of Enchō, and have the Jōkei (presiding noble) and the Benkan each attend to their respective duties" (Note: following the Shinshō Kyaku-chokufu).

¶In the second year of Kankō (1005), the Chūgū made a progress (gyōkei) to the Ōharano Shrine. The Minister of the Left and those below him, the Konoe Middle Generals, the vice-heads of the various Guards offices, the Left and Right Kyōshiki and the Six Guards all attended (Note: following the Nihon Kiryaku). The attending carriages numbered forty-six in all, and the ceremony was just like an imperial progress.

¶In the time of Emperor Sanjō, at the misogi of the Kamo Saiin, the kugyō all claimed to have come into contact with defilement and were absent. The carriages supplied did not exceed four, and the two provinces of Mino and Harima did not deliver the expenses of the misogi festival. Such was the way the kugyō and officials made light of the court's institutions. Yet whenever anything happened at any shrine concerning the Fujiwara ministers, the whole clan rushed about as if mad.

¶In the first year of Kannin (1017) under Emperor Go-Ichijō, the Minister of the Left Fujiwara-no-Michinaga made a pilgrimage to the Iwashimizu Shrine, himself riding in a karaguruma (Chinese-style carriage). Those lined up before the procession also strung together several karaguruma and biroge carriages, with dancers in attendance, in the utmost extreme of splendor. Michinaga's kinsmen, including Fujiwara-no-Michitsuna, Chūgū-daibu (Master of the Consort's Household), Fujiwara-no-Toshikata, Kōtaigōgū-daibu (Master of the Grand Empress Dowager's Household), and Chūnagon Fujiwara-no-Yukinari, and other generals, heads (kami) of the Guards offices and civil and military ministers, all attended as outriders or followers. Michinaga had once, when visiting the Kamo Shrine, ridden past the front of the shrine on horseback. On another occasion, when he climbed Mount Hiei, he led the kugyō himself and went to the shrine mounted. Such was his arrogance and discourtesy, and those who saw it hated him. Just then a pebble that came flying startled a mounted warrior of the escort, and people all said that it was the work of a divine messenger.

¶In this year, the court presented offerings and divine treasures to the shrines of the realm, but through the negligence of the responsible office, what should have been presented to the Two Shrines of Kashima and Katori was mistakenly offered to the Iwashimizu Shrine; the senmyō (imperial proclamation) listed divine treasures although the items did not actually exist; or the number of treasures fell short and new ones were hurriedly ordered to be made. Such was the sloppiness (Note: following the Shōyūki).

¶In the third month, the Emperor made a progress to the Iwashimizu Shrine and increased its shrine households (Note: following the Nihon Kiryaku and the Shōyūki). Soon afterwards a system was established by which the shrine households were to be assigned to sacred food offerings, repairs and other expenses (Note: following the Shōyūki).

¶In the eleventh month, Asake District in Ise was presented to the Grand Shrine (Note: following the Ruijū Fusenshō). The Emperor also had a prayer to make to the two Kamo shrines and wished to present Otagi District in Yamashiro Province as shrine households. The kugyō deliberated: "With the exception of lands held by public or private persons by inheritance, and lands that can never be disturbed, such as shrine and temple grounds, all the rest should be presented." An imperial progress was therefore made and the fief lands were increased (Note: following the Shōyūki, the Nihon Kiryaku and the Ruijū Fusenshō).

¶In the fourth year of Chōgen (1031), Fujiwara-no-Sukemichi, Saigū-no-kami (Director of the Saigū Office), and his wife privately built a small shrine and spread the claim, "This is the place where the deities of the Inner and Outer Shrines are enshrined. The spirit of the Great Deity possesses us husband and wife; the deities of the Aramatsuri-no-miya and the Takanomiya possess my sons and daughters; and the deities of the five auxiliary shrines possess my female attendants," and so on, misleading people and holding songs and dances day after day.

¶One day, while a storm and thunder raged, Ōnakatomi-no-Sukechika and others were attending the Saiō. Suddenly a deity possessed the Saiō, named itself the deity of the Aramatsuri-no-miya, and told of the disrespect and disloyalty of Sukemichi and his wife and of the Great Deity's fierce anger. The Saiō's voice and expression were violent. They therefore hurriedly drove Sukemichi outside the sacred gate and reported the matter to the court. Sukechika was then summoned and questioned about the circumstances, and a jin-no-sadame (deliberation by the kugyō) was held.

¶On this day there was again a violent thunderstorm, and floodwater overflowed and entered even beneath the Jin (guard station). The kugyō were all greatly afraid, and the Emperor too was terrified and every night worshiped at the Naishidokoro and sent envoys to pray. In the end Sukemichi and his wife were sentenced to exile (Note: weighed against the Shōyūki, the Sakeiki, the Daijingū Zōjiki and the Nihon Kiryaku).

¶Later, Tachibana-no-Toshitaka, Izumo-no-kami (Governor of Izumo), was exiled to Sado. This was for falsely proclaiming the teachings of the deity of the Kizuki Shrine (Izumo Taisha) (Note: following the Nihon Kiryaku).

¶Jōtōmon-in made a pilgrimage to the two shrines of Hachiman and Sumiyoshi. The hunting robes (kariginu) of her attendants, upper and lower garments alike, were adorned with gold and silver and with figured and gauze silks, and were splendid in the extreme (Note: following the Shōyūki).

¶In the seventh year of Chōgen (1034), divine robes (shimpuku) were offered to the Kamo Shrine, and Fujiwara-no-Yoritsune, Kai-no-kami (Governor of Kai), was sent to the Two Shrines of Kashima and Katori. Shrine households were increased, and white jewels placed in a lapis lazuli jar were presented. All this was to pray for the birth of an imperial prince to the Chūgū (Note: following the Sakyōki. The surname of Yoritsune follows the Sonpi Bunmyaku).

¶In the autumn of the first year of Chōkyū (1040) under Emperor Go-Suzaku, a great wind blew and the main hall and treasure hall of the Toyuke Shrine (the Outer Shrine) collapsed completely. The Emperor was distressed and fearful and wished to make a progress to the Shrine to pray, but this was not realized. He therefore read a senmyō in his own hand every night, with reverence and worship (Note: following the Hyakurenshō).

¶In this year, the sacred mirror at the Naishidokoro again suffered a fire (Note: following the Hyakurenshō, the Kokon Chomonjū and the Jinnō Shōtōki).

¶In the sixth year of Eishō (1051) under Emperor Go-Reizei, when a Saiō was chosen by divination (bokujō) and envoys bearing offerings were about to be sent, they repeatedly came into contact with defilement and could not depart. Divination showed: "This is caused by the rites departing from custom." An edict therefore reprimanded the Chief Priest and the shrine masters and others, and ordered them to be especially sincere and careful in the rites (Note: following the Daijingū Zōjiki).

¶In the second year of Tengi (1054), Minamoto-no-Sukemichi, Dazai-no-daini (Senior Assistant Governor-General of the Dazaifu) (the name follows the Kugyō Bunin), issued an order to the provinces under his jurisdiction, saying: "As the foundation for the rise of a country, nothing surpasses the rites. As the way of revering the gods, nothing surpasses honoring and exalting them. In accordance with the precedent of the third year of Chōtoku, one rank should be advanced for all the deities, great and small, within the jurisdiction. The provinces shall carry this out, and there must be no omission" (Note: following the Ōsumi-no-kuni-nai Jinmyōchō).

¶Now in the Gangyō and Engi periods, when a provincial governor had some prayer to make, he sometimes privately granted ranks to the deities within his jurisdiction; even though the rank certificates had not actually been bestowed, this was called "shakuju" (borrowed conferral). Thus the system of conferring rank gradually fell into disorder. Sukemichi's measure too was probably an advancement of ranks based on such precedents.

¶In the autumn of the third year of Jiryaku (1067), imperial envoys were sent to the provinces of the Five Kinai and seven circuits, and the shrines were made to hold prayers in advance to avert military disorder and epidemic. After the order arrived, an auspicious day was chosen and fixed, and the chief of the province and those below him purified themselves, went to the shrines and presented offerings (Note: following the Fusō Ryakki).

¶In the second year of Enkyū (1070) under Emperor Go-Sanjō, since there were shrines in Awa Province that did not receive the official offerings, an edict stated: "The Kinen-sai and the Tsukinami-sai are great ceremonies of the state. That a single provincial governor should lead the negi and hafuri to the Department of Deities, receive the offerings and deliver them to the shrines is also laid down in the earlier kyaku-shiki. In recent years, however, the governors have been negligent and some do not come to receive them. If there is only the pretext of having already made the offering, without the substance of the ritual of reverence as if the deity were truly present, it is meaningless. The governor of Awa should be ordered to make the offerings in accordance with the kyaku-shiki" (Note: following the Moromichi-ki).

¶In the third year of Enkyū (1071), articles were issued and fixed for the Chief Priest of the Grand Shrine: that the seal of the Office and official documents no longer be kept in private residences but be moved to the Rikyūin for conduct of business, that a meeting be held every year on the fifth day of the fifth month, that staff of the Shrine who had been negligent be replaced, and that matters concerning the handen (periodic land redistribution) of the shrine districts and the household registers (keichō) of the shrine households be regulated (Note: following the Jingū Zōreishū).

¶In the third year of Jōhō (1076) under Emperor Shirakawa, the day for the progress to the two shrines of Iwashimizu and Kamo was fixed (Note: following the Fusō Ryakki).

¶In the first year of Eihō (1081), as it was a year of Kanoto-tori (shinyū), a year in which revolution was held to occur, one rank was added to the deities of the realm (Note: following the Kakumei Kanmon, the Genpei Seisuiki and the Shoshin-ki).

¶In the second year of Eihō (1082), more than three hundred men of the great assembly (daishu, warrior monks) of Mount Kumano, carrying the portable shrines (mikoshi) of Shingū and Nachi, entered the capital and lodged a complaint (Note: following the Fusō Ryakki and the Teiō Hennenki). This was the beginning of monks carrying portable shrines to petition the court by force (gōso).

¶In the fourth year of Kanji (1090) under Emperor Horikawa, by an oracle of the Kamo deity, daily offerings of sacred food (shinsen) began to be made for the first time (Note: following the Chūyūki and the Hyakurenshō). Six hundred chō of tax-exempt (fuyu) fields were also presented to the two shrines, and mikuriya (shrine kitchens, i.e. supply estates) were established in the provinces. The people of the time derided this: "'When a country is about to perish, it listens to the words of the gods'; this is exactly what is meant" (Note: following the Hyakurenshō). Earlier, Yasusuke-ō had been appointed Jingi-haku (Director of the Department of Deities). Yasusuke-ō was a grandson of Emperor Kazan and a son of Imperial Prince Kiyohito. In this year Yasusuke died, and his grandson Akihiro-ō was appointed Haku (Note: following the Kōin Shōunroku and the Sonpi Bunmyaku). From then on his descendants hereditarily held the post of Jingi-haku as the Ō clan, and no other clan was appointed (Note: following the Teiō Hennenki and the Shokugenshō). This was called the "Hakke" (Haku house) (Note: following the Hakke Godaiki and the Hakke Burui).

¶In the seventh year of Kanji (1093), the Kōfukuji lodged a complaint with the court that Takashina-no-Tameie, Ōmi-no-kami (Governor of Ōmi), had encroached on the shrine lands of the Kasuga Shrine, stating: "The Kasuga Myōjin is of conspicuous spiritual power, protecting the imperial house above and nurturing the people below. The court bows its head and the people fold their hands. Tankai-kō (Fujiwara-no-Fuhito) founded the Kōfukuji and aided the imperial house. Thus gods and buddhas have helped one another and protected the state. Yet now Tameie has seized the lands of the god and arrested the jinin (shrine servants), committing a grave crime. We beg that Tameie be sentenced to exile and that all the offices of his clan be suspended, so as to show how awesome is divine majesty." Leading the Kasuga jinin, they carried the sacred tree (shinboku) into the capital, and their force was violent. The court was greatly afraid and complied with their demand (Note: following the Fusō Ryakki and the Hyakurenshō).

¶In the second year of Kahō (1095), the Enryakuji appealed to the court, carrying the portable shrines of the Hie Shrine, on the ground that Minamoto-no-Yoshitsuna, Mino-no-kami (Governor of Mino), had killed members of its following. The Regent (Kampaku) Fujiwara-no-Moromichi ordered soldiers to block them and had jinin shot dead. The monks abandoned the portable shrines and left. They then carried all the portable shrines of the Seven Shrines of Hie and installed them in the Chūdō (Central Hall), and performed rituals to curse the state and Moromichi. Just then Moromichi died of illness, and the court, fearing it to be the curse of the god, finally punished the man who had shot the jinin dead (Note: following the Hyakurenshō, the Genpei Seisuiki and the Rekidai Kōki). Ever since the monks, preaching arbitrary nonsense, had confused gods and buddhas, they had come at last to intimidate and subdue the court under the pretext of divine majesty, and such was their tyranny. Moreover, the Retired Emperor (Shirakawa Hōō) held the Enryakuji in the highest reverence, and however violently the monks behaved, he always bent his will and treated them leniently (Note: following the Chūyūki). The Regent and Chancellor houses also valued the Kōfukuji and, however many unlawful acts it committed, did not dare to call it to account (Note: following the Hōjōji Sesshō-ki). For this reason the monks of these two temples were especially arrogant and overbearing. From this time on, those who carried portable shrines and sacred trees to appeal to the court appeared generation after generation without cease, and became a great affliction of the court (Note: following the Fusō Ryakki and the Hyakurenshō). The details will be given in the "Treatise on Buddhist Affairs."

¶In the second year of Kōwa (1100), a miura (divination for the Emperor) was performed. The Emperor asked Urabe-no-Kaneyoshi, Jingi-no-shōfu (Junior Assistant Director of the Department of Deities), who was the Miyaji (court diviner), about the precedent of making deities outside the Shiki the object of divination. Kaneyoshi submitted: "The Kasuga Shrine and the Fukawa Shrine in Echigo Province; the three shrines of Shiogama, Chōkai and Ukishima in Mutsu Province; the Ono Shrine in Kii Province; the Suki Shrine in Tango Province; and the Shiratori Shrine in Awa Province are all deities outside the Shiki, yet are objects of the miura. Even apart from these, recording deities outside the Shiki and making them the object of divination is an ancient institution" (Note: following the Chōya Gunsai).

¶In the first year of Kajō (1106), the east and west treasure halls of the Kamo Wakeikazuchi Shrine were destroyed by fire. The court had scholars of the various disciplines debate whether the court's governance ought to be suspended. Many scholars submitted various opinions (kanmon); one cited an episode from China and argued: "The entry for the third year of Duke Cheng in the Gongyang Zhuan says, 'The new palace burned, and they wept for three days,' and the rules of ritual also say, 'When the hall of the ancestors burns, one weeps for three days.' The Tang statutes also say, 'When the five sacred mountains collapse and the four great rivers dry up, the emperor does not conduct government for three days.' Now the Kamo Wakeikazuchi Shrine is a deity that protects the realm, and a shrine revered within the four seas, so, in line with the ancestral temple, government should be suspended." Another cited the passage on mourning in the Gisei-ryō (Ceremonial Code), 'the Emperor does not conduct government for three days,' and argued: "This was originally a law concerning mourning rites for human beings, and not a system for shrines. But this shrine, apart from the Grand Shrine, is revered as having no equal, and in terms of ritual it should be given weight. How could it be treated more lightly than mourning for a person without office (san'i)? Government should be suspended for three days." The court's deliberation followed this view. An imperial envoy was therefore sent to present offerings, and music and the keihitsu (calls to clear the way) were stopped (Note: following the Eishōki).

¶In the reign of Emperor Horikawa, Minamoto-no-Masazane, Naidaijin (Inner Minister), was assigned to deliberate lawsuits concerning the Grand Shrine, and this was called the "Daijingū Jōkei" (Presiding Noble for the Grand Shrine). Afterwards he continued to hold this post and was also in charge of the custody of the deliberation documents. In that duty he performed abstinence and purification and was still treated on a par with the rites. A certain man of discernment remarked: "Is not too much reverence perhaps also contrary to ritual?" (Note: following the Gyokuyō).

¶In the two reigns of Horikawa and Toba, while Retired Emperor Shirakawa held real power in government through the Retired Emperor's Office, he repeatedly built temples and pagodas, and the costs were enormous and emptied the treasury. The shrines of the provinces too, as a result, could not be properly repaired. Therefore applications for chōnin (reappointment) of zuryō (provincial governors) were solicited, and the expenses were met by that merit, yet even so the expenses of divine rites could not be met in accordance with the system (Note: weighed against the Chūyūki and the Jinnō Shōtōki).

¶In the second year of Gen'ei (1119), earlier, the repair of the Shingū and Hongū of Kumano had also been carried out by soliciting merit for chōnin. In the winter of this year the Kamo Mioya Shrine (Shimogamo Shrine) suffered a fire. Again merit from zuryō was solicited, a temporary hall was built, and the divine body was transferred. The disorder of the court's institutions at that time was in general of this kind.

¶In the first year of Hōan (1120), when the governor of Awaji Province sent a messenger to halt the establishment of new estates (shōen), he also confiscated the Ikuho Estate, which belonged to the Kamo Shrine, and destroyed the shrine building and divine treasures. The shrine officials lodged a complaint, and the court had legal specialists deliberate and determine the punishment (Note: following the Chūyūki).

¶In the year when Emperor Sutoku acceded, an imperial envoy was sent to the Dazaifu and, following precedent, had divine treasures and reports (kanmon) submitted and ordered that the rites be carefully conducted (Note: following the Chōya Gunsai).

¶In the spring of the second year of Daiji (1127), the Hasshinden (Hall of the Eight Deities) of the Department of Deities suffered a fire. The kugyō deliberated: "In rebuilding the Department of Deities, directional taboos should be avoided, but for the Hasshinden alone, following the precedent of the Grand Shrine's periodic rebuilding (sengū), it should be completed swiftly without being bound by directional taboos. The Tsukinami-sai and Jinkonjiki-sai should be held at the Chūin." The court followed this. In summer an edict stated: "As for the offerings of the Kinen-sai and Tsukinami-sai, in accordance with the system of the Enkyū era, entrust them to the persons in charge and send them to the main shrines."

¶In this year the Gion Goryō-e was held. Monks and laymen, men and women, several hundred in all, attended, and its elegance and splendor were beyond description. The Retired Emperor and the Cloistered Emperor both attended and watched. Such was the flourishing of licentious rites.

¶In the fourth year of Daiji (1129), because of measures prohibiting the taking of life, some shrines in the provinces did not send up the offerings for the Tsukinami-sai. Men of discernment grieved that the ritual canon was falling into disuse (Note: from "ritual canon" onward, weighed against the Zoku Honchō Monzui). At this time Minamoto-no-Shigetoki, Yamato-no-kami (Governor of Yamato) (the name follows the Sonpi Bunmyaku), arrived at his post and, wishing to revive the old rites and set the governance of the province in order, tried first to perform the worship of the deities. But the monks of the Kōfukuji disliked this and obstructed him by various means, so he could not perform the rite. Even so, the court did not correct their offense. Under the former system, when a provincial governor left the capital he always presented offerings to the deities along the way and prayed for safety on the road; on reaching his province he first performed the worship of the deities, and afterwards chose an auspicious day to repair ponds, ditches and official residences and take up the business of the handover (Note: from "former system" onward, following the Chōya Gunsai). By this time even this system was gradually loosening.

¶Now Ōe-no-Masafusa was appointed Dazai-no-sotsu (Governor-General of the Dazaifu) but did not go to his post for three years, and in the meantime bands of robbers arose and the province was in turmoil. Again, Fujiwara-no-Munenari (the surname follows the Kugyō Bunin) was appointed Inaba-no-kami (Governor of Inaba) but did not go to his province himself and had his mokudai (deputy) perform the worship of the deities in his place. He finally took up his post nine years later, but only conducted an extraordinary festival of the Ichinomiya. The negligence of the provincial governors of the time was in general of this kind, and the government of the realm at last declined.

¶In the first year of Chōshō (1132), it was decided that the Emperor would make a progress to the Department of Deities for the Jinkonjiki-sai. Since the reign of Emperor Toba this ceremony had been interrupted for twenty-five years, but at this time a discussion arose about reviving it. As the distance from the Imperial Palace to the Department of Deities was long, it was decided that he would go on horseback. An attendant was sent to ask Fujiwara-no-Munetada, Naidaijin, whether this was permissible, and Munetada replied: "What should be feared is that the old ritual has been neglected for so long. What inconvenience is there in making the progress on horseback?" (Note: following the Chūyūki). Fujiwara-no-Saneyuki, Gon-dainagon (Provisional Major Counsellor), also submitted: "Our realm is a land of the gods. Reverence for the gods ought to come first, and the ritual of reverence as if the deity were present ought to be valued. Yet because the Imperial Palace is far away, the progress has fallen into disuse, public ceremonies have ceased, and the rites to the gods have come to be deficient. To restore what has ceased and revive what has lapsed is a model of a sage age and the good government of an enlightened ruler. How could changing from going on foot to going on horseback fail to accord with the will of the gods? Even for a progress from a residence in the city to the Hasshōin, there is precedent for using horses. It is enough to follow that." The discussion was nearly settled, but when the day came the Emperor had a monoimi (ritual seclusion) and it was not carried out (Note: following the Chūyūki).

¶In the first year of Hōen (1135), Fujiwara-no-Atsumitsu, Shikibu-no-taifu, submitted: "The rites such as the Kinen-sai, Tsukinami-sai, Jinkonjiki-sai, Kanname-sai and Niiname-sai are major events for the court. The rites themselves survive, but their ceremonial has gradually been simplified. In particular, at the Jinkonjiki the Emperor ought to make a progress to the Chūwain, and at the Kanname-sai to appear at the Daigokuden and, with solemn dignity, himself feel the heart of the gods, but these ceremonies have long been abandoned. Everything should be carried out in accordance with the Shiki. The shrines of the provinces have been left destroyed and fallen. The provincial governors make light of the rites, and the shrine officials do not strive to repair them. All the more so where persons without proper lineage qualification are handling the practical affairs of the shrines; who will fully carry out the substance of reverence for the gods? This is precisely what brought about last year's calamity of wind and flood and this year's famine" (Note: following the Zoku Honchō Monzui). Munetada also submitted: "The regular rites of the Grand Shrine and the offerings to the deities of the shrines are all not conducted in the prescribed manner. In accordance with the former system, it should be strictly forbidden for the provincial governors of the provinces to abolish shrine lands and fail to deliver the household goods, thereby letting the shrines fall into ruin, and for the shrine officials not to fill up the ranks of clansmen to succeed them. The Jinkonjiki of the two seasons, the Reihei of the ninth month, the progress for the Niiname-sai and the like must absolutely be restored to the old way" (Note: following the Chūyūki).

¶In the first year of Eiji (1141), an edict stated: "The trend of the age has become frivolous, and moreover, on the calendar it is a year of Kanoto-tori (shinyū) in which revolution is said to occur, and its ill omen is not slight. Unless we look to the unseen aid of the gods, how can we drive away the calamities of this world? One rank should be added to all the deities of the realm" (Note: following the Kakumei Kanmon, the Hyakurenshō, the Genpei Seisuiki and the Shoshin-ki).

¶After this, in the Kennin and Kōchō eras too, a similar addition of ranks was made in prayer against revolution (Note: following the Kakumei Kanmon, the Shosha Kongen-ki and the Shoshin-ki). In general, under the system of adding ranks, where deities were to be conferred Senior Fourth Rank Upper or Senior Fifth Rank Upper, it was customary that they should always be granted a rank beyond a single step. However, this rule was not applied when ranks were added uniformly throughout the realm (Note: following the Shosha Kongen-ki and the Shoshin-ki). When this rule began is also not known in detail.

¶In the third year of Kyūan (1147) under Emperor Konoe, Takashina-no-Tameyasu, Ukonoe-no-shōgen (Lieutenant of the Right Palace Guards), claiming illness, declined the post of envoy for the Yoshida Festival. As a result only the dancers and attendants were present, and only songs and flute music were dedicated (Note: following the Geki Nikki).

¶In the sixth year of Kyūan (1150), an edict stated: "The Tsukinami-sai and Jinkonjiki shall be restored to the original rules. For the rites and offerings of the shrines, everything shall be as the Shiki provides" (Note: following the Hyakurenshō). This was probably because the opinions of Fujiwara-no-Atsumitsu and others were adopted. Yet at that time there was a trend of confusing gods and buddhas without scruple: Buddhist services were held in the abstinence month of the Daijōe, people visited temples during the abstinence period before the Jinkonjiki, and at the offering to the Grand Shrine the dedication of Buddhist pagodas and sutra readings were held during the sansai; and the people of the time criticized this.

¶In the first year of Ninpei (1151), at the Kinen-sai, Ōmi Province was customarily to deliver a wild boar every year, but claimed that none could be taken even by hunting and delivered eight tan of chōfu (tribute cloth) instead (Note: following the Taiki). Such was its decline.

¶Earlier, in the Jian era, the Chancellor Fujiwara-no-Michinaga had set up a shrine within the precincts of the Hōjōji, enshrining various deities together, and this too was called a "Sōja." This was the first instance of a Buddhist temple establishing a Sōja. In the time of the Regent Fujiwara-no-Tadamichi, a similar one was set up at the Hosshōji, and its rites were conducted. The decorations of mounted riders, shrine maidens (miko) and dengaku were extremely splendid, and the attendance was very large. Retired Emperor Sutoku also watched it. In the time of Retired Emperor Go-Shirakawa, a Sōja was further built at the Rengeō-in, in which twenty-five deities from Iwashimizu onward were enshrined together, and images of the honji-butsu (original buddhas) of each were painted and made the divine bodies. But since the original form of the two deities Hinokuma and Atsuta was unclear, mirrors were used instead. The festival was held on a grand scale, and the sōgō (the heads of the clergy) all took part (Note: following the Shosha Kongen-ki and the Hyakurenshō). The monks had already invented the doctrine of honji suijaku, giving free rein to their cunning schemes, seizing shrine offices and plundering shrine households, and acting with arrogance and tyranny. The court too yielded to their threats and let them do as they pleased. For that reason dubious rites flourished all the more, and the shrines of the deities honored since ancient times fell into ruin in many cases (Note: weighed against the general sense of the Genkō Shakusho, the Fusō Ryakki, the Hyakurenshō, the Geki Nikki and the Taiki).

¶In the third year of Ninpei (1153), foolish people of the capital set up altars here and there and performed dubious rites, or performed rituals in the Chinese manner, and an edict forbade this (Note: weighed against the Geki Nikki and the Hyakurenshō). Emperor Go-Shirakawa first employed Fujiwara-no-Michinori (Shinzei) and somewhat restored the old institutions (Note: following the Imakagami, the Hōgen Monogatari and the Heiji Monogatari). Articles were issued to the shrine officials of the Sumiyoshi Shrine, stating: "By former precedent, the number of those serving as jinin in shrine duties was fixed. In recent years, however, the shrine officials, paying no heed to the court's law, have taken to arbitrarily gathering bribes. Beyond the regular complement they have appointed jinin without restraint and incited public subjects under them to disregard the authority of the state. Submit the original rosters of jinin and the supporting documents. Jinin newly added are suspended permanently. If you neglect this, the shrine officials will be replaced. Also, as for household allotments and shrine lands, the scope of exemption is limited, and there are old customs even for the expenses of the rites. Yet in recent years the shrine officials have taken to establishing new shrine domains, seizing public fields, and violating the law to covet land, which is improper. Promptly report the shrine lands and the expenses of the rites. If there is any delay, a heavy penalty will be imposed." Soon these articles were also issued to the provinces, and the provincial governors were ordered to curb the tyranny of the shrine jinin (Note: following the Mibu Kanmu Kobunsho).

¶At that time Fujiwara-no-Chikataka, Iyo-no-kami (Governor of Iyo), on going to his post, issued a letter to the officials of the provincial administration (zaichō), saying: "The essence of governing a province lies in revering the gods. Keep to the dates of the regular rites and perform the ritual of reverence as if the deity were present. Before setting out, first submit the report on the divine treasures, and only afterward discuss government" (Note: following the Hyōhanki). This too was probably an attempt to cite and put into practice the laws of old. But soon the Heiji Disturbance broke out, and the imperial house finally declined (Note: following the Heiji Monogatari and the Hyakurenshō).

¶In the first year of Eiryaku (1160) under Emperor Nijō, the Retired Emperor made a progress to the Hie Shrine to give thanks for the fulfillment of his prayer at the time of the Heiji Disturbance. He also made a progress to the Kumano Shrine. In the end these two deities were divided and enshrined in the capital, and these are the so-called Imakumano Shrine and Imahie Shrine (Note: following the Hyakurenshō).

¶In this year, because the provinces did not deliver the expenses for the progress to Iwashimizu, the progress was postponed to the eighth month (Note: following the Sankaiki).

¶In the first year of Eiman (1165), when the Saiō Imperial Princess Yoshiko was relieved of her post and returned to the capital, supplies were lacking and the Chief Priest and others also neglected preparations. Her palanquin broke on the road and was only barely repaired enough to serve. When they reached Kawaguchi in Iga Province, a quarrel arose between the residents of the Au Estate and the officials of the Saigū Office over the arrangement of the reception, and there were deaths and injuries on both sides. In general the provincial governors along the way did not prepare lodgings and in some cases did not even supply meals. Moreover, the roads were not maintained, and the bearers of the palanquin had difficulty walking. The Saiō was reduced to tears in her hardship (Note: following the Akihiro-ō-ki). Such was the decline of the court's authority.

¶In the second year of Nin'an (1167) under Emperor Rokujō, offerings to the Five Shrines were made, but since the offerings were insufficient, the date was postponed (Note: following the Akihiro-ō-ki and the Gumaiki). Now from the Hōen era onward, many provincial governors had pushed for the suspension of ancient shrine lands and had them instead established as estates of the influential houses (kenmon). Even shrine lands for which senji or kanpu had been obtained were exempted from shrine duties. By this time the powerful did not comply with provincial levies, and the shōji (estate stewards) did not obey the orders of the ryōke (proprietors), the honjo (superior holders), so there was no means of procuring the expenses of the divine rites, and the ritual canon fell entirely into disuse (Note: weighed against the Chūyūki, the Gyokuyō and the Akihiro-ō-ki).

¶In the second year of Jishō (1178) under Emperor Takakura, the following was decreed: "In recent years the accumulated negligence of the various offices has become habitual. In the annual rites, the ceremonies of the rites have fallen into disuse and many of the offerings are not the proper goods. At the Kinen-sai in particular, the offerings to the gods are insufficient because the business of the official bureaus is so pressing. From now on, prepare the offerings on the basis of the kyaku of the fourth year of Enchō. Issue instructions to the various offices twenty days before the rite and have them perform their duties in accordance with the Shiki. If the jinin of the shrines roam through provinces and districts and seize fields, order the provinces to arrest them" (Note: following the Mibu Kanmu Kobunsho).

¶In summer, because the Chūgū was with child, an envoy was sent to present offerings at the Itsukushima Shrine (Note: following the Sankaiki). The Chūgū was a daughter of the Chancellor Taira-no-Kiyomori. Kiyomori had always deeply revered and trusted the deity of Itsukushima, and on this occasion, wishing for the birth of a boy, he himself went to pray there once a month (Note: following the Gukanshō, the Genpei Seisuiki and the Nagatobon Heike Monogatari). As the expected date of birth drew near, offerings and prayers at the Grand Shrine and other shrines were made without a pause (Note: following the Sankaiki and the Genpei Seisuiki), but all this arose from Kiyomori's greed for advancement.

¶When Emperor Antoku acceded, prayers were made at the Grand Shrine to quell the military disorder in the eastern provinces. The court deliberated that, "following the precedent of the Jōhei era, one district should be presented as shrine land" (Note: following the Sankaiki). Soon one rank was advanced for all the deities of the realm in prayer for this (Note: following the Genpei Seisuiki and the Shoshin-ki).

¶In this year Kiyomori moved the capital to Fukuhara. But as the institutions were not in order, the Daijōe could not be carried out, and by the deliberation of the kugyō it was postponed to the following year (Note: following the Gyokuyō, the Hyakurenshō and the Genpei Seisuiki). The Niiname-sai, Kinen-sai and the like were all held in the old capital, but since the distance was great, it is said that many of the ceremonies differed from the old Shiki (Note: following the Gyokuyō, the Sankaiki and the Kikki).

¶In the first year of Yōwa (1181), the Retired Emperor, grieved that the realm was growing more disordered day by day, said to Fujiwara-no-Tsunemune, Minister of the Left, and Fujiwara-no-Kanezane, Minister of the Right: "Until now we have had the shrines pray for the quelling of the disorder. But because we have not presented shrine lands, the shrine officials are unable to pray with full sincerity. Now, following the precedent of Hōgen, I intend to present estates to the Grand Shrine and to the four shrines of Iwashimizu, Kamo and Hie. In my view the Kasuga Shrine too should not be left out, and if it is added, then shrines such as Matsuo, Hirano and Inari cannot be omitted. What should be done?" (Note: following the Kikki and the Gyokuyō). Tsunemune said: "As court prayers, the Grand Shrine and Iwashimizu should come first, and the Usa Shrine should also not be left out. There are surely also great shrines in the eastern provinces that ought to be added. As for the three shrines such as Matsuo, I think they may be omitted. First, following the precedent of Hōgen, it would be good to add Kasuga. The allotments should be made with regard to the amount of household allotments and paddy fields" (Note: following the Kikki). Kanezane said: "In addition to the four shrines of Hōgen, it would be good to add the Kasuga Shrine. Also the Sumiyoshi Shrine is truly a deity that protects the state, whose spiritual power is displayed in the Central Land (Nakatsukuni) and whose renown resounds even in foreign lands; it too cannot be left out. And the great shrines of the eastern provinces such as Kashima and Katori, how could they be excluded? But the Grand Shrine and the other shrines already have sufficient shrine lands. Even if we now set aside a few public fields and establish new estates, it is not certain whether that would accord with the will of the gods. In my view it would be better to fix one new permanent rite. Besides these, there are here and there shrines that are official shrines but have no shrine lands and whose buildings have been lost. It is for such shrines that repairs should be made and expenses assigned." The Retired Emperor decreed: "Add shrine fields to the four shrines and to Usa, Kasuga, Sumiyoshi and other shrines."

¶The Retired Emperor also asked the Regent and others: "I intend to make a progress to Ise and personally pray at the Grand Shrine for the quelling of the disorder. But for now even that is not possible. How would it be if I first set down this wish in a kōbun and sent officials of the Department of Deities to announce it in advance?" Kanezane submitted: "When the sacred mirror suffered a fire, Emperor Go-Suzaku wished to make a progress to the Shrine, but gave it up because there was no precedent. If the Emperor's will is already firmly fixed, there is no objection, but if the wish is only written in the kōbun and cannot be fulfilled later, what will you do? In the end the order or disorder of a state depends on whether its government is good or bad. If you truly swear to the gods, reform the government, and restore a simple and pure age, then even without the trouble of a progress, how could the gods fail to protect you?" Fujiwara-no-Motomichi and Tsunemune also submitted, "One should not carelessly debate what has no precedent." The matter was dropped as it stood (Note: following the Gyokuyō. The part from "The Retired Emperor also" onward is weighed against the Hyakurenshō).

¶In this year the Emperor had already returned to the old capital. Because the Retired Emperor (Takakura) died, the Daijōe also could not be held (Note: following the Gyokuyō, the Hyakurenshō and the Genpei Seisuiki).

¶As for the Kinen-koku-sai, since the provinces were in a state of rebellion and deliveries were held up, the offerings were not prepared as the Shiki prescribed, and many of the offering envoys did not appear. Some served in informal dress (hoi), in disorder and without discipline. Also, it was proposed to present a golden suit of armor to the Grand Shrine and entrust it to the regular offering envoy to be escorted by soldiers, but on the way an incident of contact with the defilement of death occurred (Note: following the Kikki). Probably in the end it could not be presented.

¶In the first year of Juei (1182), earlier, Tanzō, the Kumano Bettō (Administrator of Kumano), had led troops into Ise, destroyed the Izō-no-miya, and tried to violate even the Grand Shrine. Nobukane (surname unknown), Izumi-no-kami (Governor of Izumi), drove him back (Note: following the Gyokuyō and the Azuma Kagami). At that time Minamoto-no-Yoritomo had already gained control of the eastern provinces, and Ōnakatomi-no-Yoshichika sent a letter to Yoritomo saying: "Tanzō has destroyed shrines, plundered divine treasures, burst into the sacred precincts of the Inner and Outer Shrines, burned houses of the people and seized goods. This is an unprecedented disaster of ancient or modern times. Now, at a time when the Minamoto are about to be restored, please do not forget the duty of reverence for the gods." Yoritomo was startled and said: "Tanzō had pledged loyalty to me; how could he do such a thing? He must certainly be punished." He then himself composed a kōbun to the gods, stating his intention to sweep away the traitors of the state, set the court right and restore all divine rites to the ancient law, and also to repair the Izō-no-miya and supply divine treasures; he sent an envoy to present sacred horses and gold dust and had the shrine masters pray. The shrine masters, fearing the Taira, secretly performed the rites of prayer. The court too feared that the shrine masters were turning against the Taira and praying for the Minamoto, and issued an inzen (cloistered emperor's decree) strictly forbidding "private prayers" (Note: following the Azuma Kagami).

¶In this year the Daijōe was held. It was held for the first time in the third year after the Emperor's accession. The world regarded this as inauspicious (Note: following the Gyokuyō, the Hyakurenshō and the Genpei Seisuiki).

¶In the second year of Juei (1183), the former Naidaijin Taira-no-Munemori, jointly signing with his clan, sent a letter to the Enryakuji, promising to make the Hie Shrine the clan shrine of the Taira, on a par with the Kasuga Shrine among the Fujiwara. The people of the time ridiculed this (Note: following the Hyakurenshō, the Kikki and the Genpei Seisuiki).

¶In autumn, the Emperor (Antoku), bearing the Three Sacred Treasures, fled to the western provinces. The Retired Emperor installed Emperor Go-Toba and had him accede in the capital. An accession without the transmission of the sacred treasures was truly an unprecedented great disaster of ancient or modern times. The Regent Fujiwara-no-Kanezane objected, but the Retired Emperor did not listen (Note: following the Gyokuyō). The details will be given in the main biographies. At this time the Retired Emperor took up government and had offerings presented to the Twenty-Two Shrines, with prayers for the return of the sacred treasures (Note: following the Genpei Seisuiki).

¶In the first year of Bunji (1185), offerings were again presented to the Grand Shrine and the Iwashimizu and Kamo shrines, with prayers for the destruction of the Taira and the return of the sacred treasures (Note: following the Genpei Seisuiki). Soon after, one rank was advanced for all the deities of the realm (Note: following the Kakumei Kanmon, the Genpei Seisuiki and the Shoshin-ki). Soon the sacred treasures returned to the capital. The Emperor himself appeared at the Daidairi (Inner Palace), enshrined them in the Unmeiden, and had kagura performed for three days (Note: following the Gyokuyō, the Hyakurenshō and the Azuma Kagami). Offerings were presented to the Twenty-Two Shrines to express thanks. Only the Sacred Sword (Hōken, the Kusanagi Sword) had sunk into the sea and been lost, so the sword placed in the Daytime Seat (hiru-no-omashi) was used in its place (Note: following the Gyokuyō, the Kikki and the Azuma Kagami).

¶Now when the Taira were wielding power at will, they had seized the shrine lands of the shrines and made them private holdings. When they heard that Minamoto-no-Yoritomo had raised troops, they sent envoys to the shrine districts of Ise to impose military provisions and had the shrine people arrested. The people were enraged and resentful at this, and Yoritomo was finally able to use this as a pretext (Note: following the general sense of the Gyokuyō, the Azuma Kagami and the Genpei Seisuiki).

¶When Yoritomo had pacified the eastern provinces, he surveyed the domains of the Grand Shrine and had them all returned as before. To the renowned deities of the eastern provinces, such as the shrines of Kashima, Katori, Mishima and Awa, he donated shrine fields, forbade plunder and prayed for the protection of the gods (Note: from "waka" onward, weighed against the documents of the two shrines of Kashima and Katori). Yoritomo especially revered the deity Hachiman, built a shrine at Kamakura and called it the Tsurugaoka-no-miya, worshipped it to the utmost and always prayed there whenever anything happened. At one point the shrine masters of the Grand Shrine were suspected by the Taira and severely reprimanded. The shrine masters, afraid, appealed to Yoritomo, who replied: "The gods will surely see whether one is loyal or wicked, upright or crooked. What is there to fear? As for the domains in the eastern provinces, I will surely protect them to the end. From now on too you should offer prayers to the last" (Note: following the Azuma Kagami).

¶When the Taira fled to the western provinces, Yoritomo submitted: "Our country is a land of the gods, and who does not honor the gods? In recent years the rebel ministers (the Taira) monopolized the state, scorned divine majesty and plundered shrine lands. That their retribution appeared at once and brought about their own destruction was truly due to divine punishment and not to my power. In general the shrine lands of the shrines should all be returned as before. Rewards should be added for those who rendered merit in prayer" (Note: following the Gyokuyō). At that time warriors in various places, taking advantage of the war, were plundering shrine lands and divine treasures and seizing the property of shrine officials (Note: following the Azuma Kagami and the Hyakurenshō). Yoritomo at last obtained an inzen, surveyed the shrine lands of the Grand Shrine and others in the provinces, and had all returned to the main shrines. He newly donated mikuriya to the Grand Shrine, paid in the expenses of the Saigū, and forbade the violence of the warriors. For destroyed shrine buildings he donated shrine fields so that they might be repaired, and had the rites carefully conducted (Note: following the Azuma Kagami).

¶Thus lawsuits of the shrines came all to be decided at Kamakura, and what the court conducted was reduced to little more than the regular divine rites and the miura on the ranks of the deities (Note: following the general sense of the Gyokuyō, the Azuma Kagami, the Hyakurenshō and the Jinnō Shōtōki).

¶Before the second year of Bunji (1186), Usuki-no-Koretaka, Ogata-no-Koreyoshi and others of Bungo Province had taken advantage of the war to destroy the Usa Shrine and seize its divine treasures. The shrine officials lodged a complaint (Note: following the Azuma Kagami and the Usa Takusenshū). Soon the stolen treasure, gold, was recovered and sent to the capital. It was temporarily installed at the Iwashimizu Shrine, and the kugyō were made to deliberate on how to return it. Kanezane said: "On examining the old records, the gold itself is not the divine body, but it is a spiritual treasure of the Shrine and is to the court like the sword and jewel (kenji). All the more so, since all the divine treasures were lost and only this gold has come out, it is the more precious. Leaving it elsewhere is certainly not proper. It should promptly be entrusted to an envoy of the Wake clan and delivered to the main shrine. Moreover, that the state was able to quell the disorder was largely due to the power of the gods. An envoy should be specially sent to offer thanks and prayers. Those who stole divine treasures have committed a truly grave impiety. They should be sentenced in accordance with the ritsu and certainly should not be treated leniently" (Note: following the Gyokuyō). At this time an envoy was sent to deliver it (Note: following the Gyokuyō and the Hyakurenshō). But Koretaka and Koreyoshi had already received a pardon and been freed of guilt (Note: following the Azuma Kagami).

¶Earlier, Yoritomo had requested: "As for damaged shrines in the provinces, I wish to solicit jōgō (construction service at private expense) and have them repaired. Hitherto, Minamoto-no-Chikamitsu, former Tsushima-no-kami (Governor of Tsushima), obtained a senji for jōgō and had more than sixty shrines, from the Hachiman Shrine onward, repaired, and his merit was beyond compare. I ask that he be granted another appointment." The court granted this. Yoritomo further requested to repair the Sōja of the provinces of the Tōkaidō and to send officials to inspect them.

¶In the third year of Bunji (1187), an edict was sent to Kamakura ordering: "Restore to its former state the land of the Saigū Office that Yoshisada had encroached upon at Uji."

¶In this year the procession of the Saiō (saiō gunkō) took place. Yoritomo imposed its expenses on the gokenin of the provinces.

¶In the fifth year of Bunji (1189), earlier, Hatakeyama-no-Shigetada had served as jitō (land steward) of the Numata Mikuriya of the Grand Shrine, but his deputies plundered the property of the shrine people, and the head of the shrine people complained. Yoritomo was angered, arrested Shigetada, questioned him on the offense, took away his post and gave it to Yoshimi-no-Yoritsune. At about this time Yoritsune also broke the law, so an envoy was sent to relieve him of the post.

¶In the first year of Kenkyū (1190), ever since the estates had greatly expanded, deliveries had been held up. The yakubukumai (labour-rice levy) for the construction of the Grand Shrine and the labour of repairing the embankment of the Mimosuso River (Note: for the embankment labour, following the Hitachi Zeisho Documents) were all imposed on the estates.

¶In this year the palace construction (zōgū) took place. The jitō of the provinces often did not comply with the levies. An edict was therefore issued to Kamakura to press them. Yoritomo submitted: "In the provinces I govern, deliveries are made on order. I have also ordered the gokenin all to comply with the levies. As for the construction labour on the lands of shrines such as Atsuta and Hachiman, strict orders have already been issued. All the more the regular levies of the Grand Shrine are truly a great matter of the court, so how could they be neglected?" He also said: "As for the henshō and other documents of the eight provinces under my jurisdiction, separate inventories have already been prepared. For near provinces such as Sagami and Musashi we will complete them at once. The remaining six provinces are somewhat distant, so I will order those in charge of provincial affairs to deliver as in the precedents. If anyone seeks to evade the levies with excuses, I ask that an official envoy be dispatched to press them strictly" (Note: following the Azuma Kagami).

¶Soon he ordered the officials of the provincial administrations (zaichō) of the provinces under his jurisdiction as follows: "According to a petition (gejō) from the negi of the Shrine, the labour of repairing the embankment of the Mimosuso River has been treated as a matter of great weight in successive imperial commands. In general the levies of the Shrine are of a weight beyond comparison with those of other shrines. It is said that among the gokenin living on shrine lands in the eastern provinces there are some who use the shogunate as a pretext to neglect delivering the levies, or who deliberately resist, claiming old precedent. Considering the severity of divine majesty, how could this be permitted? Not only shrine households (kanbe), mikuriya, mison (sacred gardens) and temple fields on shrine lands, but even lands allotted to gokenin, as long as they are shrine lands, shall all comply with the levies. If anyone objects, record his name and punish him. Now, in the sixty-odd provinces of our country, there is no place, not even a spot to set a needle, that is not the sacred land of the Grand Shrine. Formerly the Taira wielded power at will and made light of the gods; but I prayed at the Shrine and was finally able to destroy the rebels. Without the protection of the gods, how could I have come this far? From now on, as to the levies of the Shrine, you must comply with the demands of the negi and not neglect them" (Note: following the Hitachi Zeisho Documents).

¶Since Yoritomo had already put forward the Taira's seizure of shrine lands as one of their crimes, he himself did the opposite, seeking to win the people's hearts by revering the gods and praying for blessings. But the warriors of the provinces and districts at that time were overbearing and willful, scorning the gods and making light of the court (Note: following the Gyokuyō and the Azuma Kagami). The court's authority declined all the more. The Regent Fujiwara-no-Kanezane lamented: "Since Yoritomo took the military power, the realm has nominally been at peace, but in fact the court has declined and the ritual canon has fallen into disuse. In the six or seven years since I took office, public ceremonies have ceased and the provinces are exhausted. Compared with former times it is as different as heaven and earth. How do the spirits of the imperial ancestors regard this? Can we hope once more for the good simple customs of old?" (Note: following the Gyokuyō).

¶In the second year of Kenkyū (1191), earlier, Naitō-no-Moriie had plundered the Toishi Estate in Suō Province, a shrine land of Iwashimizu, wounded shrine people and seized the shrine tax. The Bettō (Administrator) had complained, and the court ordered Kamakura to stop it. At this time Yoritomo further had it strictly forbidden (Note: following the Azuma Kagami).

¶In the second year of Kenryaku (1212) under Emperor Juntoku, an edict stated: "In the tradition of our court, reverence for the gods has been valued above all. Though affairs of government are manifold, nothing surpasses careful conduct of the rites. For that reason, in governing the state and giving peace to the people, we have relied solely on the unseen aid of the gods. Whether regular or extraordinary, the proper decorum must be strictly observed. Yet the officials in charge are negligent and do not apply themselves to their duties, and the provinces too disobey orders and violate the system. Making light of the taboos of the gods is a matter we cannot fail to warn against. In particular, for the four annual offerings from the Kinen-sai onward, though there are preparations for the tables (anjō and ange, the stands on which offerings are placed), the substance of actually sending them to the shrines of the provinces is lacking. Also, as for the offerings to the Shrine from the Kinen-koku-sai onward, deliveries are for the most part divided and delayed, and in recent years, often pleading difficulty of procedure as a pretext, they are delivered only on the very day. The ceremony continues until night, and the departure of the envoys sometimes extends to dawn. From now on this must never happen. Also, though the system of shrine repairs is clearly established, the shrine officials needlessly covet the profits of the land and pay no heed to damage to the shrine buildings. If this happens from now on, dismiss them from their posts. Those who have rendered merit in repairs must be rewarded without fail. Also, recently ignorant commoners have set up Buddhist halls in the capital at will, and officials too have carelessly built subordinate shrines on shrine land. Though it looks like reverence for the gods, in fact it is contrary to faith. Not only that, but auxiliary shrines and subordinate shrines increase day by day, and the fields of the capital and countryside are damaged month by month. Nothing disturbs the law more than this. It is permanently forbidden from now on. Also, we hear that provincial governors of the provinces carelessly donate public fields of the provincial domain to shrines and leave documents granting permanent exemption from taxes. We fear that in later ages there will be a shortage of land. This is permanently suspended from now on. Also, as for lawsuits of the Grand Shrine and other shrines, to record their contents and submit them to the Daijōkan, which would present them to the throne through the Kurōdo-no-tō and Kurōdo and decide their rights and wrongs, was a model of an enlightened age (meiji). But in recent years improper memorials through personal connections have been made, solely flattering the wishes of the inner quarters (the Retired Emperor's Office and court ladies), and rulings by reason are not sought; this is truly contrary to the way of reverence for the gods. From now on it is strictly forbidden, and offenders will be heavily punished. Also, the jinin of the shrines ought to make care and reverence their duty, yet violent commoners sometimes call themselves jinin and commit unjust acts. They should be controlled according to law. Also, regarding the parasols and ox-carriages, the showy fancy of the Kamo Festival envoys and those who attend the Saiō's misogi, the garments of boys and servants growing showy in a competition that wastes wealth, and the attire of those who attend the festivals of the shrines of the capital region made with figured silk, gauze and brocade and adorned with gold, silver and jewels, these pretend to the solemnity of divine rites but are in fact nothing but waste of the state. From now on they are permanently forbidden, and there must be no violation" (Note: following the Gyokuzui).

¶In the first year of Antei (1227) under Emperor Go-Horikawa, a report came from Kamakura that "because of famine in the provinces, the yakubukumai for the Grand Shrine cannot be delivered." Just then a complaint also came from the Palace Construction Envoy that funds were insufficient and timber could not be procured, so this was conveyed to Kamakura. Suruga and Izu were therefore made to bear the expense (Note: following the omitted passage of the Azuma Kagami).

¶In the second year of Kangi (1230), the Gion Festival was held. Men of discernment criticized its excessive luxury (Note: following the Meigetsuki). At that time many of the court's regular rites still remained (Note: following the Heikoki), but the showiness of the Gion and Kamo festivals and the like was especially extreme (Note: following the Meigetsuki and the Narisuke-ō-ki). This was probably because wealthy commoners competed in lavish attendance.

¶In the third year of Kangi (1231), Kamakura ordered the Rokuhara Tandai to forbid warriors without formal office from bearing arms and attending the festivals of the capital (Note: following the Azuma Kagami).

¶In the first year of Tenpuku (1233) under Emperor Shijō, an envoy was dispatched to Usa, but because the expenses for miscellaneous matters were insufficient and the road was difficult, he turned back without reaching his destination (Note: following the Hyakurenshō).

¶In the first year of Katei (1235), earlier, in the Kenpō era, a dispute had arisen between the Enryakuji and the Kōfukuji over the Kiyomizudera, a branch temple of the Enryakuji, and as they were about to come to battle, the court sent envoys to stop it. But the Enryakuji did not obey the order. Soldiers were therefore sent to arrest them, and there were considerable casualties. The monks were indignant, destroyed the blinds and mirrors of the Seven Shrines of Hie to show their intention to leave the court, and in the end flooded into the capital in great numbers. The court was afraid and decided to treat the Hie Festival like the Kamo Festival by sending a Konoe envoy, and also to supply the expenses of the Rokugatsu-e and have the Benkan handle the business, so as to placate them and make them withdraw (Note: following the Meigetsuki, the Azuma Kagami, the Hyakurenshō and the Ichidai Yōki). Soon the monks of the Kōfukuji, hearing that the Kiyomizudera wished to become a branch temple of the Enryakuji, were furious and tried to burn the Enryakuji. They issued a manifesto saying, "The god of Kasuga is about to march out. The kugyō of the Fujiwara clan should assemble at once. The provincial governors should deliver military provisions," and in the end carried the sacred tree of Kasuga in great numbers and flooded to Uji. The court sent Kebiishi to block them and punished the Zasu (Head Abbot) and others of the Enryakuji. The situation was finally settled (Note: weighed against the Meigetsuki, the Ichidai Yōki and the Rekidai Kōki).

¶The Rusu (caretaker) of the Hakozaki Shrine had once killed a jinin of the Daisenji. The Daisenji is a branch temple of the Enryakuji. By imperial order the Rusu was sent to prison, but the Enryakuji did not submit, carried the portable shrines of Hie, Gion, Kitano and others into the capital, and complained that Sōsei, the Bettō of Iwashimizu, had misappropriated the conduct of affairs, and demanded that the Hakozaki Shrine be made a branch of the Enryakuji. The court sent warriors to block them and wounded some monks. The monks abandoned the portable shrines and left (Note: following the Azuma Kagami and the Hyakurenshō).

¶In this year the jinin of the Takigi Estate of Iwashimizu and the jinin of Kasuga came into conflict and a brawl followed. The monks of the Kōfukuji were angered, burned down the Takigi Estate and killed jinin. The court sent troops to arrest the killers and sent envoys to Iwashimizu to investigate, but the jinin drove away the imperial envoys. The Bettō Sōsei led the jinin, carried the portable shrines, entered the capital and made a forcible appeal. The court tried to placate them by granting Inaba Province as shrine land (Note: following the Meigetsuki and the Hyakurenshō). Sasaki-no-Takanobu, jitō of Tanaka Village in Takashima District, Ōmi Province, had once mobilized the residents of the district to repair the Seta Bridge. At this time the Enryakuji had arbitrarily mobilized residents and made them jinin of Hie. When Takanobu pressed them, the jinin were angered and quarreled with his messenger, and the messenger was killed. The monks of the Enryakuji carried the portable shrines into the capital and demanded Takanobu's execution. Government troops blocked them and there were casualties. The monks abandoned the portable shrines and left. The court had no choice but to sentence Takanobu to exile (Note: following the Azuma Kagami, the Hyakurenshō and the Ichidai Yōki).

¶The jinin of Iwashimizu again quarreled with jinin of Kasuga and killed one. The Kōfukuji was greatly angered and, leading the Kasuga jinin, carried the sacred tree and flooded to Uji. The Bettō Sōsei submitted: "The Kasuga jinin who earlier killed a jinin of the main shrine should be pardoned and returned to Inaba Province, and in exchange the man who killed the Kasuga jinin should be punished." There was reason in this argument. But the Kōfukuji further appealed: "Sōsei should be exiled, the Takigi Estate given to the Kasuga Shrine, and the killer of the jinin put to death." The court tried to placate them with measures such as "holding an extraordinary festival for the Kasuga Shrine on a par with the Kamo and Hachiman shrines, and sending a kugyō as offering envoy," but they would not listen. In the court's deliberation it was said, "Sōsei is a shrine official of the ancestral temple (the line of the Ise Shrine), and exiling him is not appropriate." The killer of the jinin was therefore first sent to prison, but the jinin of Iwashimizu broke open the prison and carried him off. As the monks of the Kōfukuji gathered in a crowd to enter the capital, the government troops removed the bridge to block them. The kugyō of the Fujiwara clan all shut themselves in their houses and did not go out (Note: following the Meigetsuki and the Hyakurenshō).

¶The monks had already deceived the court, treated the gods as the private property of their temples, and won over the commoners of the shrine households and made themselves their leaders. They decked out the portable shrines and sacred trees and made them instruments of intimidation to borrow authority. Whenever anything displeased them, they led the jinin, carried the portable shrines and sacred trees, pressed to the gates of the court and made forcible appeals. The court too was misled by theories of fortune and misfortune and did not dare to resist. Sometimes the Son of Heaven descended from his hall and worshipped them. If their demands were not granted, they abandoned the portable shrines and sacred trees and left, and as a result the court suspended government and had the Guards offices close the palace gates, treating it just as if the imperial palace had caught fire. Even when the court sent troops to block them, the monks pushed straight through the lines without a second thought. Even when government troops shot at the portable shrines or killed jinin, the court was unable to punish the monks, who made still more clamor and pursued their appeals. The cases of Hie and Kasuga were truly the worst. The court, fearing their violent force, either increased shrine lands or exalted their festivals, and did its utmost to comply with their wishes. The monks therefore grew ever more powerful. Their tyrannical and unreasonable conduct was beyond counting (Note: weighed against the Fusō Ryakki, the Hyakurenshō, the Ichidai Yōki, the Chūyūki, the Meigetsuki, the Azuma Kagami and the Kinpishō).

¶Hōjō-no-Yasutoki, Shikken (Regent) at Kamakura, deeply hated this and always meant to crush it. Hearing that the court had given Inaba Province to Iwashimizu to placate the jinin, he said in discussion: "The Bettō Sōsei carelessly brought a lawsuit without waiting for the court's ruling. And yet the court, on the contrary, added favors to placate him. With such conduct, there is no telling how far the monks' arrogance will escalate. If this matter is sent down to Kamakura, we will certainly impose some penalty. From now on, if anyone makes similar ossō (improper appeals), the Bettō should be replaced." When the Kōfukuji incident occurred as well, he discussed: "This is a great matter of the court. An envoy should be sent to deal with it."

¶In the following year, he ordered the Rokuhara Tandai to send Gotō-no-Mototsuna to admonish the monks and overawe them with military force. The monks became somewhat intimidated and left, carrying away the sacred tree (Note: following the Azuma Kagami). But their discontent was not resolved and the disturbance continued (Note: following the Hyakurenshō). Yasutoki confiscated the estates of the Kōfukuji and provisionally placed shugo and jitō in Yamato Province to suppress them. The monks cowered in fear, and their violent force finally subsided (Note: following the Azuma Kagami). The court finally fixed as a permanent precedent that a kugyō would be the offering envoy to the Kasuga Shrine (Note: following the Hyakurenshō). After this, monks carrying portable shrines and sacred trees to appeal to the court ceased, generation after generation. The details will be given in the "Treatise on Buddhist Affairs."

¶In the second year of Ninji (1241), an edict stated: "On the fields of the realm, whether public or private, two hundred mon in coin shall be levied per tan, to be applied to the expenses of the Gokei and the Daijōe."

¶In the third year of Kangen (1245) under Emperor Go-Saga, Kamakura ordered: "Shrine officials of the shrines of the western provinces are carelessly appointing jinin, borrowing divine majesty to encroach on estates and frequently causing lawsuits. We earlier forbade the appointment of new jinin other than the original ones, but if there are still any who do not reform, arrest them and escort them to Kamakura" (Note: following the Azuma Kagami). At that time, in the court there was discussion of reviving the various rites, and Taira-no-Tsunetaka, Minbu-kyō (Minister of Popular Affairs), said: "The offerings for the rites to the shrines, from the Kinen-sai, Kinen-koku-sai and Tsukinami-sai onward, at present all lack substance. The Shiki fixes their quantities, but the actual goods are not provided. If the rites are to be revived, the goods for the offerings should be discussed first. In the discussion of the Kirokusho (Records Office) in the Bunji era it was said, 'for offerings lacking actual goods, substitute other goods and fix this as a new Shiki,' but in the end it was not carried out. From Kenryaku to Ninji there were repeated discussions, but all of these too were not carried out. Now is the time to discuss and fix the method. As for the so-called allocation of offerings by season, as fixed in the Kenkyū era, the provinces are to deliver the offering goods. If a province has arrears (mishin) and there are unavoidable circumstances, old arrears should be waived and only new ones collected. In recent years, however, when there are arrears they are levied again in following years, and sometimes two or three years of arrears are collected together in one season's levy. The province fears the responsibility and the people harbor resentment. As for cloth and silk, there is no leeway to weave them newly, and they are delivered patched together to look like one tan, which can hardly be used as offerings to the gods. In general such abuses are not one or two. If this system is not reformed, no revival of the rites can be hoped for" (Note: following the Heikoki). In the end this proposal seems not to have been carried out.

¶At the Daijōe for the accession of Emperor Go-Fukakusa, the kugyō deliberated: "At earlier Daijōe, more than two hundred thousand hiki was allotted to each of the two gyōjisho (offices of management). But now, with economy as the principle, all the various furnishings are to be omitted entirely. Or old items are to be reused, and fifty thousand hiki each is to be allotted. For that purpose the provinces shall be made to deliver the regular tax rice (shōzei)." But since provinces such as Owari and Harima did not deliver, the costumes of the musicians and other items could not be procured. An order was therefore given to press them. The expense was also sought from Kamakura but it did not respond. Most of the goods already collected were spent on the expenses of the Gokei, and the funds for the festival fell short. Saionji-no-Saneuji, Chancellor, specially contributed forty thousand hiki to make up the shortfall. Such was the hardship (Note: following the Yōkōki).

¶In the first year of Kōchō (1261) under Emperor Kameyama, Kamakura ordered the provinces under its control: "Now with rites, what ritual values is not to be extravagant in years of plenty and not to be excessively frugal in years of dearth. In recent years, however, the manner of ritual has declined all the more, forgetting the ancient ceremonies and turning to luxury. This is of no benefit to the gods and only harmful to the people. From now on the regular rites must not be allowed to lapse. As for the extraordinary ritual canon, there must be no excess either. When shrine officials repair shrine buildings, they shall follow the court's provisions and not leave them damaged. Those who violate this shall be replaced in their posts" (Note: following the Azuma Kagami).

¶In the first year of Bun'ei (1264), the Hie Kosatsuki-e was held. Taira-no-Atsutomo, Mikawa-no-kami (Governor of Mikawa), made portable shrines for the seven shrines through jōgō and deposited them at the main shrine. Warriors attended in armor, and the monks of the Enryakuji also wore armor. Leading the shrine officials, they met them in front of the tower gate of the Ōmiya, read the norito and then installed them in the shrine hall (Note: following the Tendai Zasu-ki). The monks thus displayed their might under the pretext of divine rites.

¶In the fourth year of Kōan (1281) under Emperor Go-Uda, earlier the Mongols had sent a letter asking for relations, but Hōjō-no-Tokimune had firmly refused and greatly strengthened the border defenses, so that the beginning of conflict was opened. The court therefore prayed to the deities of heaven and earth to quell the disorder and added one rank to all the shrines of the realm, great and small. In this year the bandits (the Mongol army) finally invaded Tsukushi in great force. The New Retired Emperor (Fushimi-in, later Emperor Fushimi) made progresses to Iwashimizu, Hie, Kasuga and other shrines to pray in person, and offered an imperial senmyō in the Emperor's own hand to the Grand Shrine at Ise, swearing to take upon himself the national calamity.

¶On the first day of the intercalary seventh month, a great storm arose and the bandits' fleet was overturned. The soldiers took advantage of the moment to attack and annihilate them. The calamity on the borders finally subsided. The world considered this to have been due to the protection of the gods (Note: weighed against the Teiō Hennenki, the Ichidai Yōki, the Godai Teiō Monogatari, the Masukagami and the Hachiman Gudōkun. For the addition of ranks, following the Entairyaku and the Shoshin-ki).

¶In the first year of Shōō (1288) under Emperor Fushimi, the estates of the provinces were levied for the construction of the Grand Shrine. The Tōdaiji did not comply, on the ground that there was no precedent. The Palace Construction Envoy submitted: "The levies for the palace construction should be allotted without excluding a single estate and without leaving an inch of land, regardless of whether they are holdings of the influential houses or temples and shrines, or whether there is precedent or supporting documents, and delivery should be required without fail as in precedent. Yet now the monks of the temple resist the levies and the construction is delayed. We ask that an inzen be promptly issued to press them" (Note: following the Tōdaiji Old Documents). Now from the Enkyū era onward, when someone in the estates of the provinces appealed for exemption from the palace-construction levies, the court investigated the circumstances and in particular cases issued a senji granting exemption. In all other cases the expenditures were strictly calculated and the levies uniformly allotted, with no exempted land. Later, however, crafty monks, scorning the court's orders and seeking to escape public duties, often behaved in this way (Note: following the Daigoji Zōjiki and the Hitachi Yoshida Shrine Documents).

¶In the second year of Bunpō (1318) under Emperor Hanazono, an edict stated: "The Grand Shrine has a standing beyond comparison with the other shrines, and to prohibit Buddhist scriptures, to shun monks and nuns, and to repel sorcerous talk and keep off shamans (fugeki) are all ancient rules of the Shrine. In recent years, however, worldly shamans, calling themselves guides (sendatsu) of the Shrine, behave willfully on the way of pilgrimage and defile and disturb the gods. This is truly a matter to be feared. From now on, those who go to worship at the Shrine must keep the ancient rules and not violate them" (Note: following the Bunpōki).

¶In the first year of Gen'ō (1319) under Emperor Go-Daigo, the Retired Emperor (Retired Emperor Hanazono) ordered the kugyō: "Discuss reviving divine rites." Fujiwara-no-Nobufusa, Gon-Chūnagon (Provisional Middle Counsellor), and others submitted a discussion that "five matters, such as holding the Kinen-sai, holding the Extraordinary Festival of the Shrine, and repairing the shrines, should be carried out." This is the so-called "Gijō Hajime" (Beginning of Deliberation) (Note: from "gai" onward, following the Shōdan Chiyō). But in the end it amounted to no more than following the old customs. At that time the sacred lands of the Grand Shrine were regarded as lands that must never be altered, but if a manager had committed an offense they were confiscated (mokkan) and sometimes even given to others as court favors or diverted to Buddhist temples. Many of the other auxiliary shrines were left destroyed and unrepaired, with some having the divine bodies exposed and some having lost their divine treasures, and in the end they could not be restored as before (Note: following the Man'ichiki). Soon wars followed one after another, and the Kamo Festival, Hie Festival and other rites all ceased and were no longer held (Note: following the Taiheiki). By chance, at the opportunity of the Kenmu Restoration, an attempt was made to revive the old ceremonies, but even for the shrines that should have received offerings at the Kinen-sai, there were some whose locations were no longer known (Note: following the Kenmu Nenchū Gyōji).

¶Then, when Emperor Go-Daigo, bearing the Three Sacred Treasures, fled to the south, the imperial line was divided in two, and the strife of the Northern and Southern Courts caused all ceremonies to fall into disuse.

¶Emperor Go-Murakami acceded at a temporary palace (anguū). He merely worshipped the sacred treasures and sent envoys to report it to the Grand Shrine (Note: following the Taiheiki).

¶Sukō-in of the Northern Court, though in the capital, could not hold the Daijōe (Note: following the Kōnendai Ryakki and the Zoku Jinnō Shōtōki).

¶Go-Kōgon-in also repeatedly tried to send envoys to report his accession to the Grand Shrine, but the roads were blocked and it did not come about (Note: following the Entairyaku).

¶In the first year of Kōwa (1381) under Emperor Go-Kameyama, the Northern Court, as it was a year of revolution, conferred one rank on all the deities of the realm (Note: following the Kakumei Kanmon). The period during which the Southern Court held the sacred treasures extended to fifty-seven years, but when Emperor Go-Kameyama consented to a settlement and conferred the sacred treasures on Emperor Go-Komatsu, the realm was at last unified (Note: following the Zoku Jinnō Shōtōki). Jugō Minamoto-no-Chikafusa (Kitabatake Chikafusa) had earlier written the Jinnō Shōtōki, tracing the origin of the Three Sacred Treasures, and made clear the legitimacy of the imperial line that was already on the verge of decline. In it he states: "In the transmission of the Three Sacred Treasures by the Heavenly Ancestor (Ama-tsu-mioya, Amaterasu-Ōmikami) a truly profound teaching is contained. The precious mirror symbolizes impartial clarity, the divine sword resolute decisiveness, and the jewel gentleness. Only by embodying clarity, decisiveness and gentleness are rewards and punishments rightly carried out. If the sovereigns of later ages too keep this in mind, they will be able to govern the realm as if turning it in the palm of the hand" (Note: according to the Nihon Shoki, there are examples in which Kamunatsosohime presented a jewel, mirror and sword to Emperor Keikō, and Itote of Tsukushi presented the same to Emperor Chūai, praising the Emperor's virtue. Itote's words are exactly the same as Chikafusa's argument. These objects can of course not be compared with the Three Sacred Treasures themselves, but the words themselves are beautiful. Probably in high antiquity there was a tradition of praising the virtue of the Son of Heaven by likening it to these three objects. This is added for reference). He also states: "The fire at the Naishidokoro in the Tentoku era and the sinking of the sacred treasure in the sea in the Juei era were truly great calamities for the sacred treasures. But the precious implements of the Heavenly Ancestor, revered carefully at the Shrine, show conspicuous spiritual power, just as the sun and stars are in the heavens. Indeed, as is only right, the prosperity of the imperial throne is without limit, together with heaven and earth" (Note: following the Jinnō Shōtōki. The Gengenshū was also consulted).